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Important News, Belangrijke nieuws, Nouvelles importantes, Wichtige News, Fontos hírek, Importanti novitŕ, Pomembne novice, Importante Notícias, Viktiga nyheter



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West-D. Zeitung


The man of the year

Guy Verhofstadt
Mr. Guy Verhofstadt

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2009


A proven Democrat, protector and fighter for justice and human rights in the World.

Een bewezen Democraat, beschermer en strijder voor rechtvaardigheid en mensenrechten in de Wereld.

Un prouvé démocrate, protecteur et combattant pour la justice et des droits de l'homme dans le Mond.

Eine bewährte Demokrat, Beschützer und Kämpfer für Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte in der Welt.

Dokazani demokrat,
 zaštitnik i borac za pravdu i ljudska prava u Svijetu.




The man of the year

Guarantee
Peace in the World


Mr. Barak Hossein Obama

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2012


Guarantee
peace in the world

Garantie
vrede in de wereld

Garantie
la paix dans le monde

Garantie des Friedens in der Welt

Zabezpečenie
mieru vo svete

Garancija
mira u svijetu





Murray Hunter
University Malaysia Perlis



Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities.
Murray Hunter




The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies
Murray Hunter




There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially
Murray Hunter




Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter



Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter



The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter



Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter



Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter



Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter



   The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter



How motivation really works - Murray Hunter



Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter



 The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter



Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter



  How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter



How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter



People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter



One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunte


   
Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter



   Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization - Murray Hunter



Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter



Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter



On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter




How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter



The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter



Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter



The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis



 Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter



Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter



Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter



From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter




ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter



Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter



Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter



Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter



Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter


 
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter



Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter



 


On 28th July exactly 100 years ago, Central Europe declared a war to Eastern Europe, an event that marked the official outbreak of World War I. This was a turning point which finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Èpoque, and set the Old Continent and the whole world with it into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before docking us to our post-modern societies. From WWI to www. Too smooth and too good to be true? Let us use this occasion and briefly examine our post-modernity and some fallacies surrounding it.

From WWI to www.PUTIN NEXT DR
 

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

 

In the (Brave New) world of www. where, irrespectively from your current location on the planet, at least 20 intelligence agencies are notifying the incoming call before your phone even rings up, how is it possible to lose jumbo-jet for good? The two huge aviation tragedies affecting same country – Malaysia, are yet another powerful reminders that we are obsessed with a control via confrontation, not at all with the prosperity through human safety. Proof? Look at the WWI-like blame-game over the downing of the plane – a perfect way to derail our most important debate: Which kind of future do we want? Who seats in our cockpit and why do we stubbornly insist on inadequate civilizational navigation?! Consequently, Ukraine today is a far bigger crash site, which is – regrettably enough – well beyond an ill-fated MH 17.

Why in the www. world our media still bears the WWI-like rethorics? The ongoing demonization of President Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin in the so-called mainstream media actually serves as a confrontational nostalgia call on the side of West. Hence, this main-scream seems aiming not to alienate, but to invite the current Russian leadership to finally accept confrontation as a modus operandi after a 25 years of pause.

The conclusion these media leaves us with, is somewhat puzzling: the West has democratically decided that the CC + CC has no alternative (more Carbons and Confrontation e.g. in Ukraine, besides and despite the planetary Climate Change). President Putin autocratically still hesitates, and does not rush into the CC. Does it mean that Russia is more democratic and more progressive than it is reported to us, or that the West is more militaristic and more conservative than it loves to portray itself? Neither or either, all or none?

How about our post-modern cooperation? Which kind of neighborhood the European Union and United States have supported around Russia for the last 25 years, that same sort of Russia we are trying to see today. I would even dare say that Russia today is far better than the West (and its past acting) deserves to have. The same attribution would most probably apply to the Arab world. The way Atlantic-Central Europe and the US interacted with the MENA (Middle East–North Africa), and the sort of Islam they supported there yesterday, is the sort of Islam (or to say, Islamofascism) we are getting today in the Christian Europe as well as in the Christian neighborhoods of Iraq.

For the sake of quick Atlantic-Central Europe penetrations into the body and soul of East, all important debates such as that of Slavism, identity, secularism and antifascism have been adviced to Eastern Europe to abandon. By doing so, all the vital merits were simply handed over to Russia to solely deal with it. Why then our sudden shock that once recuperated, Russia returns with a (reloaded) identity which champions antifascism and (pan-)Slavism? After all, the rich but egalitarian, democratic, transparent, antifascist, a non-nation-state determined and secular US has supported everything opposite in Eastern Europe (in the MENA, too). For far too long, in the pretext of fighting the legacies of communism, Americans have tolerated Über-economic, political and socio-demographic neo-Nazism as well as the clerical ethno-fascism in the core sectors of Europe. It is now time to pay for letting the unchecked happen.

The winner takes it all is a Swedish song, not a Swedish table. Clearly, there is no winning without a full share of responsibility.


Europe of Sarajevo 100 years later

The end of the Cold War came abruptly, overnight. Many in the West dream about it, but nobody really saw it coming. The Warsaw Pact, Red Army in DDR, Berlin Wall, Soviet Union, one after the other, vanished rapidly, unexpectedly. There was no ceasefire, no peace conference, no formal treaty and guaranties, no expression of interests and settlement. Only the gazing face expression of that time Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze who circled around and unconvincingly repeated: “we now better understand each other”. In his luminary work ‘The New Asian Hemisphere’, Mahbubani accurately concludes that Mikhail Gorbachev – not understanding the real success of Western strength and power, handed over the Soviet empire and got nothing in return.1 Does our history only appear overheated, but is essentially calmly predetermined? Is it directional or conceivable, dialectic and eclectic or cyclical, and therefore cynical?

The Soviet Union was far more of a classic continental military empire (overtly brutal; rigid, authoritative, anti-individual, omnipresent, secretive), while the US was more a financial empire (covertly coercive; hierarchical, yet asocial, exploitive, pervasive, polarizing). Bear of permafrost vs. Fish of the warm seas. Athens vs. Sparta. Phoenicia vs. Rome… Consequently, the Soviets went bankrupt by mid 1980s – they cracked under its own weight, imperially overstretched. So did the Americans – the ‘white man burden’ fractured them already by the Vietnam war, with the Nixon shock only officializing it. However, the US imperium managed to survive and to outlive the Soviets. How? The United States managed its financial capital (or an illusion of it) insofar as to be(come) a debtor empire through the Wall Street guaranties.2 Titanium-made Sputnik vs. gold mine of printed-paper… Nothing epitomizes this better than the words of the longest serving US Federal Reserve’s boss, Alan Greenspan, who famously said to then French President Jacques Chirac: “True, dollar is our currency, but your problem”. Hegemony vs. hegemoney.

This very nature of power explains why the Americans have missed to take our mankind into completely other direction; towards the non-confrontational, decarbonized, de-monetized/de-financialized and de-psychologized, the self-realizing and green humankind. They had such a chance when, past the Gorbachev’s unconditional surrender of the Soviet bloc, the US – unconstrained as a ‘lonely superpower’ – solely dictated terms of reference.3 Sadly enough, that was not the first missed opportunity for the US. The very epilogue of the WWII meant a full security guaranty for the US: Geo-economically – 54% of anything manufactured in the world was carrying the Made in USA label, and geostrategically – the US had uninterruptedly enjoyed nearly a decade of the ‘nuclear monopoly’. Up to this very day, the US scores the biggest number of N-tests conducted, the largest stockpile of nuclear weaponry, and it represents the only power ever deploying this ‘ultimate weapon’ on other nation. To complete the irony, Americans enjoy geographic advantage like no other empire ever. Save the US, as Ikenberry notes: “…every major power in the world lives in a crowded geopolitical neighborhood where shifts in power routinely provoke counterbalancing”. The US is blessed with neighboring oceans.

Why the lonely might, an empire by invitation did not evolve into empire of relaxation, a generator of harmony? One of the leading architects of the American foreign policy, Simon Serfaty laments: “The irony is plain for all to see. Ten years after the fiasco in Iraq, the global demand for American power has never been higher, but its credibility rarely lower and its reliability more in doubt…a preponderant power must be right…for its enemies it must be strong, it must inspire trust…” What are we talking about here – the inadequate intensity of our confrontational push or about the false course of our civilizational direction?

Indeed, no successful and enduring empire does merely rely on coercion, be it abroad or at home. However, unable to escape its inner logics and deeply-rooted appeal of confrontational nostalgia, the prevailing archrival is only a winner, rarely a game-changer.4 Hence, to the above asked question whether our history is dialectic or cyclical, the current Ukrainian events are like a bad-taste déjà vu.

End of the Cold War – such a buzzword, of a diametrically different meaning. East interprets it as the final end of confrontation – beginning of the age of a mutual respect, harmony and understanding. The Westerners have no such an illusion. To them it is the end of war, which only came after the unconditional surrender of East. Another powerful evidence to support our claim: Just 20 years ago, distance between Moscow and NATO troops stationed in Central Europe (e.g. Berlin) was over 1.600 km. Today, it is only 120 km from St. Petersburg.5 Realities have dramatically changed for the Atlantic-Central Europe block and for Russia, while for Eastern Europe much remains the same–East still serves others as a strategic depth playground.6

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Vienna, 28 JUL 2014

Author is professor in international law and global political studies, based in Austria. His recent book Is There Life after Facebook? is published by the New York’s Addleton Academic Publishers. He was born in Sarajevo, place from which the Eastern effectively challenged Central Europe.



1 Or, by the words of the senior UN diplomat who, contemplating with me over the question whether a middle-power foreign policy is adequate for a great power, recently told me in Geneva: “The difference between Russia and the Soviet Union is that the Federation desperately looks around for respect, but leaves the world responsibilities solely to the US. As known, admiration and respect is earned not given for free.” Clearly, the post-Soviet Russia avoids any strategic global competition with the US. Still, it feels rather insulted with the current strategic global partnership – as both the US and China treat Moscow as a junior partner. Is it possible to (re-)gain a universal respect without any ideological appeal? That could be debated, but one thing is certain; even the mid-size powers such as Brazil, Indonesia or Turkey have moved on from a bandwagoning, reactive, opportune and slow to an emancipating proactive, accurate and extensive foreign policy.

2 How was a debtor empire born? One of the biggest (nearly schizophrenic) dilemmas of liberalism, ever since David Hume and Adam Smith, was an insight into reality; whether the world is essentially Hobbesian or Kantian. The state will rob you, but in absence of it, the pauperized masses will mob you. The invisible hand of Smith’s followers have found the satisfactory answer – sovereign debt. This ‘invention’ means: relatively strong government of the state, heavily indebted – firstly to local merchants, than to foreigners. With such a mixed blessing, no empire can easily demonetize its legitimacy.

3 One of the biggest ideological victories of the US is the fact that, only two decades after the Soviet collapse, Russia today has an economy dominated by oil-rich class of billionaires. The assets of this new caste are 20% of country’s GDP –by far the largest share held by the ultra-rich in any major economy. The second largest ideological victory for Americans is reported by the New York Times. It states that the outgoing Chinese President, leader of the country that officially still rests on ideology of oppressed working class, has allegedly accumulated family wealth of 1,7 billion in less than a decade of his rule (‘only’ 1 USD million every second day). Some in the US are not that happy about it, and are wondering – like Fukuyama in his luminary essay – “where is a counter-narrative?” To ease the pain for all balance-seekers: Even if the American ideological triumph might be a clear cut, geopolitically it remains undecided. While Russians were absorbing the shock of loss of their historical empire, the ‘lonely hyper-power’ did not quite know what to do with its colossal gain. The fact that there is no (yet) clear leader of the post-Western world, does not mean that the post-Christian and post-industrial West – as a place and as the geo-economic and ideological model – is unquestionably accepted as it was before.

4 There are many who would claim that the West was unable to capitalize on the collapse of the Soviet Union, and that the real winner in the superpowers’ playoff is actually the third. It is not only that Asia is resurfacing very self-confident. Deeper and structural, the issue is more subversive as well: One of the most remarkable achievements in the world history of capita-lism is happening last 20 years under the leadership of the largest Communist party on this planet. (While one of the biggest collectivisations à la communism was taking place in the cradles of capitalism –the US and UK financial hubs.) At this point, let us recall what was the epilogue of a lasting ideological confrontation between Byzantium and Sassanid Persia and of their colossal geopolitical overextension? Clearly, it was an appearance of the Third Power Center on a geopolitical and ideolo-gical terrain, which was gradually prevailing from the 7
th century onwards. Byzantium and Sassanids corroded and imploded.


5 Despite the (formal) end of the Cold War, and contrary to all what we celebrate as a technological progress, our Gini coefficients’ distances are far larger than they were two decades ago. Additionally, as the EU was getting closer to Eastern and Russophone Europe, the socio-economic inequalities and politico-cultural exclusions there, were growing wider. The contemporary world (believes it) has unprecedented wealth. Although over the last four decades the global working force has tripled from roughly 1 to 3 billion, the world today holds mass poverty – like never before, especially in underdeveloped Africa and de-industrialized East of Europe. The newly set ‘economic system’ in Eastern Europe in fact reproduces poverty, even among the fortunate ones – people with a job, victims of low wages and long hours. According to the World Bank, total global wealth was $241 trillion in 2013 and is expected to rise to $334 trillion by 2018. The WB defines the UN standard poverty line with a threshold of $1,25/day. Lant Pritchett, a critical WB/IMF developmental economist, advocates a more reasonable bottom-line of $10/day. If his calculations were applied, between 90 and 95% population in the East-Rusophone Europe would be well below dignified life, deep under the poverty line!


6 Before too long, Washington will have to decide: either containment or accommodation – a viable truce with Moscow or unconditional backing of Russia’s closest neighbours. If Putin finally abandons the non-confrontational course, and regularizes the play on a confrontational nostalgia card, the US-led West might award Moscow by returning Baltics, some central-southern portions of Eastern Europe, along with Central Asia and Caucasus to Russian sphere of influence. If the history of Russo-American confrontations is (noisy or) deep, wide and long, their ability to broker a deal is remarkably extensive, too. Or, as prof. W.R. Mead elaborates: “…In deciding how hard to press Russia over Ukraine, the While House cannot avoid calculating the impact on Russia’s stance on the Syrian war or Iran’s nuclear program.” (Mead, W.R. (2014), The Return of Geopolitics, Foreign Affairs Magazine 93(3) 2014)

28.07.2014



A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems

The Continent and Nation of Australia


Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
 

The Continent and Nation of Australia
 

Dr. Emanuel L. PaparellaThere is little doubt that our geo-political problems are becoming more and more intricate and intractable. We presently have on our hands the middle East crisis, the Ukrainian crisis, the Iraq and Syria crisis, the economic crisis of the West, the border crisis between the US and Mexico (with thousands of unaccompanied children from Central America crossing the border), the territory disputes between Japan and China, North and South Korea, the EU-Africa crisis with refugees arriving almost daily in Lampedusa, Italy attempting to get a foot-hold in Europe, and the list goes on and on. The world is indeed a sorry mess.

It has not dawned yet on our myopic politicians, our so called leaders and statesmen, that, as the Pope has repeatedly declared, the problem is one of inequality and distributive justice; that as long as there are desperate people in desperate circumstances there will be refugees crossing the borders in search of a better life. Usually those crisis lead to wars and socio-political global turmoil benefiting none, not even the affluent countries.

I have a modest solution which some may find laughable, even absurd, but it is practically historically inevitable within our ongoing process of globalization. Before I suggest the solution let us consider some present geo-political realities. There is a polity in place which can be termed a Continental nation in the true sense of that word. It is Australia. It is completely surrounded by the Pacific Ocean which functions as its borders. It is a nation with a common language and a multicultural background, including the aboriginal culture which is now respected if not exactly promoted.

There is another mega-country which is already well on its way in becoming a continental nation: the European Union; it now encompasses most of the European nations and a common culture called Western. It is not perfect, not all the nations of Europe belong to it (Norway, Belarus, and Switzerland, for example) and they do not possess a common language; they have democracy in common which now seems to be in peril with right wing party representative in the EU Parliament. They possess a couple of imprtant linguae francae (English, German, French) which everybody studies in school thus facilitating communication. The EU cannot be properly called a continental nation since Russia encompasses two continents: Europe, up to the Ural mountains, and Asia, from the Urals to the Pacific Ocean.

Then there is the United States which likes to think of itself as a continental power, straddling the North American continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean and beyond, all the way to Hawaii and bordering Russia in Alaska, allowing it to call itself a Pacific power, if not exactly an Asian one.

Africa, despite the African Union and a common African heritage (heavily influenced by European nationalism and colonialism), mostly symbolical, remains a puzzle of disparate nations with no common political purpose.

It remains true, however that the only truly continental nation remains Australia. The name United States of America remains a misnomer since America, geographically speaking, is a continent, not a nation which is also a continent. An American, properly speaking, is anybody born on the continent called America just an an Australian is anybody born on the Continent of Australia, not to be confused with Austria which is a European nation. Even if we disregard Australia’s Western cultural background rooted in Anglo-Saxon culture, an Australian is not an Asian, since he/she was not born on the Asian continent, although he may become a citizen of one or other Asian nations.

But to return to my modest proposal; it is basically this: why not speed-up the process a bit and make the US a truly continental nation! President Obama should reject the Monroe doctrine which spoke of spheres of influence and proposed that European colonizers mind their business and not meddle with “American” politics, and invite all the nations of the continent, including Canada and Brazil, to join the Union, on one condition, that they accept democracy as their preferred political institution, promote social justice and free trade and respect the culture of all the disparate nations that will form the Union. Unless they accept those conditions of respect for democracy and the rule of fairness and justice, they would not be welcome into the union. These would be similar to the conditions imposed on European wishing to enter the EU.

I suspect that most, if not all the American nations would give such an invitation serious consideration, maybe even decide to accept it. No nation would be coerced into the union. That would automatically solve the sorry spectacle of unattended destitute children from Latin America crossing the US-Mexican border.

Four years ago people laughed at vice-president Joe Biden’s suggestion that it made more sense to divide Iraq in three nations according to ethnic religious criteria (Kurds in the North, Sunni in the middle and Shiite in the south) then keep up an artificially forced political union. Nobody is laughing now, in fact what Biden proposed then seems to be happening, willy-nilly, as we speak.

Similarly one may laugh and make fun of my proposal of a genuine United States of America, if it makes your day, go right ahead and call it unpatriotic and “un-American,” and silly because not cognizant of geo-political Machiavellian realities, but, believe me, it will happen, sooner or later; you may not see it, but your grandchildren may. Given that it may now be the solution to the thorny problem of emigrations and refugee status, the question arises, at least in theory: Why not sooner rather than later?



27 July 2014



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2014 AND INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Abstracts:

Indonesian foreign politics are closely related to the issue of its national pride, position, and role in the international affairs. The fact that a peaceful election in Indonesia should be a major capital and stimulus to improve the active role in regional and global arena, as mandated by opening of the Constitution 1945 paragraph 4 to participate in creating a world order, as well as to resolve issues and security challenges. The question that a distinguish prof. Anis Bajrektarevic has recently asked in his luminary work “Europe of Sarajevo 100 years later”, ‘Was history ever on holiday?’ – is nearly answered, at least this time in Indonesia – the 3
rd  largest democracy in the world.

Keywords :
Indonesia Presidential Elections 2014, Foreign Policy Performance, Security Challenges, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla


By: Igor Dirgantara (Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)



Indonesian Presidential general election has been underway on July 9th. There were 2 pairs of strong candidates for Presidential and Vice-Presidential position: Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa (Prabowo-Hatta) and Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla (Jokowi-JK). There will be numerous challenges for the elected pair, and one of the more important challenge will be regarding Indonesia's future foreign politics policy. This article will try to foresee the type of leadership of each couple and also their foreign politics performance.

The official results of legislative elections on 9 April 2014 General Election Commission put PDIP at the ranked first with 23,681,471 votes (18.95%), followed by Golkar: 18,432,312 (14.75%), Gerindra: 14,760,371 (11 , 81%), Democrats: 12,728,913 (10.19%), PKB: 11,298,957 (9.04%), PAN: 9,481,621 (7.59%), PKS: 8,480,204 (6.79 %), Nasdem: 8,402,812 (6.72%), PPP: 8,157,488 (6.53%), Hanura: 6,579,498 (5.26%), PBB: 1,825,750 (1:46%), and PKPI: 1,143,094 (0.91%). Bottom two of political parties, namely PBB, and PKPI are declared not qualify parliamentary threshold (3%) and did not get any seats quota in parliament. Since none of the party with the most votes above 20%, as a condition of Presidential threshold to be able to carry a pair of candidates for president and vice president themselves, the coalition of political parties is a must. In the presidential system in Indonesia, election of coalition partners is also directed by the vote or seats in parliament (at least 50 percent +1), which is then tied in a mutual political platform.

After the legislative elections is resulted in maneuvering the political elite to form a coalition at the presidential election May 9, 2014. Because the public orientation to the above figures of a political party is still a presidential election winning political formula, then the composition selection of the Presidential Candidate - Vice Presidential Candidate is very important to the victory of the candidate pairs. Of the various movements of some leaders of political parties, eventually converging on a two couples of Presidential Candidate - Vice Presidential Candidate for which respectively carried by supporting political parties to compete seizing power in Indonesia from 2014 to 2019. Two strongest pairs are Prabowo-Hatta and Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla. Prabowo-Hatta named their coalition as a Red White coalition carried by Gerindra, PAN, PPP, PKS, Golkar and PBB that total votes are 48.93%, or 292 seats in parliament. While the duo Jokowi-

Jusuf Kalla brought by a coalition party of PDI-P, Nasdem, PKB, Hanura, and PKPI with a total of 39.97% of the total votes in 2014 legislative elections, or 207 seats in the House.

After receiving the serial number of the National Election Commission, the duo Prabowo-Hatta (serial number : one), and Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla (serial number : two), two sets of candidates on June 3 at Bidakara Hotel signed an integrity pact for peaceful election in Indonesia later dated July 9, 2014. Peace Election Post-Declaration, each contestant campaigned to all corners of Indonesia to share their vision and mission to the community, followed with national or global issues considered to be of importance and urgency.


The question that a distinguish colleague and dear friend of mine prof. Anis Bajrektarevic has recently asked in his luminary work “Europe of Sarajevo 100 years later”, ‘Was history ever on holiday?’ – is nearly answered, at least this time in Indonesia – the 3 rd largest democracy in the world.


Two variant of Leaders

Borrowing the term of Herbert Feith, there are two types of political leadership in Indonesia, namely "manager type" (administrator) and type "unifying type" (solidarity maker). Leaders with the administrator type are those who have the technical ability to govern the state. This type is generally represented by educated leaders who master a particular field. While the leaders of the solidarity maker types are the ones who are able to approach the masses, influence them, as well as gain wider sympathy and support from community.

If seen from figures of Presidential Candidates: Prabowo and Jokowi, both are the solidarity maker type because of their capacities to make both of them are not only popular among their supporters, but also have a relatively high electability in the public eye. The difference is, that Prabowo as a solidarity maker figure has high performance characteristics, while Jokowi is more low performance. High performance of Prabowo is manifested in the figure of confident, assertive and bold, while the existing low performance of Jokowi lies in its simplicity aura everyday.

Meanwhile, Vice Presidential Candidate of Hatta Rajasa and Jusuf Kalla, both equally can be characterized as figures considered expert in managing government (administrator) for some experiences as bureaucrats and state officials. The difference, Hatta Rajasa is more low profile, while Jusuf Kalla is quite a high profile in his performance.

Of both pairs have benefits and deficiencies of each. But the leader of solidarity maker type with high performance (Prabowo) could further demonstrate his capabilities as a leader because he had a better motion and political communication, including in attracting public support. While Jokowi looks less good for political communication. The high imaging seems too strong to be on his shoulder. Signaled himself as the party officer and Doll Presidential Candidate is a heavy burden amid the Presidential Candidates and their popularities. Path "on leave" as the governor also indicated that Jokowi judged not to confident in contestation to face Presidential Election 2014. Currently, campaigned as a Presidential Candidate, executing tasks of Jakarta Governor are undertaken by the deputy governor, Basuki Tjahya Purnama (Ahok). It means, if Jokowi lost the battle for the number one seat in Indonesia later, he could take back his position as Jakarta Governor.

Candidate for Vice President has the low profile administrator type (Hatta Rajasa) seeming to be able to work together in government. This type is similar to the figure of Indonesian vice president, Boediono, now. Not much to say, experienced, courteous, and competent. Jusuf Kalla also balanced. Jusuf Kalla has plenty of experiences in the government bureaucracy. The difference, Hatta Rajassa is the General Chairman of the Party (PAN), moreover Jusuf Kalla is the former coriander of the Golkar Party which also rely on the popularity as Jokowi. The problem is also that Vice Presidential Candidate, Jusuf Kalla (72 years) is much older than Jokowi (52 years) as a candidate for president.


The Second Symptom Captain in one vessel can not be avoided. Two captains are not among Jokowi with Jusuf Kalla, but also between Megawati and Jusuf Kalla later.


Foreign Politics Performance

During the campaign period ahead of voting until July 9, 2014, the vision-mission of both pairs are louder presented to the public, ranging from a matter of economics, education, health, environment, food, energy, law enforcement, until about fighting corruption. Which did not escape that should be of concern is how the performance of Indonesian foreign politics of the two couple of candidates later. It's no secret if the issues of foreign politics is often a secondary priority compared to national issues. But the fact that a peaceful election in Indonesia should be able to be a major capital and stimulus to improve active role in regional and global arena, as mandated by the opening of Constitution 1945 paragraph 4 to participate in creating a world order.

Indonesian Foreign Politics Challenges

In the short and medium term, foreign politics still faces two strategic issues. The first is the traditional security challenges, such as separatism and border disputes. Separatist Action of Free Papua Movement (OPM), or the work of Malaysian who do not appreciate status quo territory, at Camar Bulan and Tanjung Datu in West Kalimantan border needs to be addressed explicitly by the new Indonesian leader. The second is non-traditional strategic issues, as transnational crime such as terrorism, money laundering, climate change, maritime security and others. Crimes at sea such as illegal fishing, illegal logging, illegal mining, human trafficking, drug trafficking passing Indonesia sea channel continued. Moreover, Indonesia is directly adjacent to the 10 countries in the sea and only 2 countries on the land.

In the context of maritime security, Indonesia needs to be a leadership pioneer in ASEAN to be bold against China on issue in South China Sea, especially if China enters the water territory of Natuna as part of its claim. Indonesian shall enforce Exclusive Economic Zone and freedom of navigation in accordance with norms of international laws. Therefore, modernizing Indonesia military is a must.


Performance of Presidential Candidate - Vice Presidential Candidate

As has been described above by the author, figures of Presidential Candidates Prabowo and Jokowi has solidarity maker type. The difference is the leadership style off Prabowo Subianto having characteristics of high performance, while Jokowi is more low performance. Meanwhile, Vice Presidential Candidate of Hatta Rajasa and Jusuf Kalla, both equally can be characterized as figures considered expert in managing government (administrator) for some experiences as bureaucrats and state officials. However, Hatta Rajasa is more low profile at work, while Jusuf Kalla has high profile type.

At glance there are similarities if you look at the vision-mission of foreign relations between Prabowo-Hatta and Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla. Both pairs equally lays self-reliance principle of Indonesian people in facing the global challenges ahead. Prabowo-Hatta and Jusuf Kalla Jokowi Visions in maritime sector both want to build ports.

Each of the Presidential candidate pairings equally want contract re-negotiation between the Indonesian Government with the foreign companies that have been operating in Indonesia for quite some time, who have a number of issues that deemed harmful to the interest of the Indonesian people, for example Freeport in Papua and Newmont in West Nusa Tenggara.

National needs and interests are articulated through foreign politics of both pairs. But masculine characteristics in the implementation of the Indonesian foreign politics from Prabowo-Hatta are more pronounced for protecting the nation, play an active role and confident in facing the global arena (Outward Looking). The hope of Indonesian nationals are more respected by other countries, inside or outside the regions. Prabowo-Hatta is considered to have the competence to anticipate issues and challenges of traditional security. Prabowo-Hatta International slogans about 'Revival Indonesian' becoming Asian Tiger is a high performance leadership style in Indonesian foreign politics.

While the more feminine performance of Indonesia's foreign politics looks of the duo Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla. Concentration of Indonesia's foreign relations will be more focused inward looking. Visions-Missions of Jokowi-Kalla are more based on the national interest and the desire to strengthen the identity of Indonesia as a maritime nation. The idea is to save Indonesia's marine wealth that will be done by building the fish processing industries, as well as improving transportation links for large ships at strategic locations. The idea of the need for the Indonesian people to do 'mental revolution' as a guide to the 'Wonderful Indonesia' is the slogan of the foreign politics implementation of a low-performance-high-profile.


Closing

Visions and missions from both pairs of Presidential Candidate - Vice Presidential Candidate are in fact complement each other and fill the two polugri major issues mentioned above. As head of state and head of government, the elected president later will have to have a vital role and influence on the implementation direction of the foreign politics that strived for the prosperity of the Indonesian people, keep maintaining integrity of the Republic, as well as a commitment to be part of an international collaboration in creating world peace. In 2015, Indonesia will face the ASEAN Community. Indonesia needs to show the attitude of 'do not come home' in agreements towards ASEAN economic society later. When viewed from its history, Indonesian foreign politics are closely related to the issue of its national pride, position, and role in the international world. The fact that a peaceful election in Indonesia should be a major capital and stimulus to improve the active role in regional and global arena, as mandated by opening of the Constitution 1945 paragraph 4 to participate in creating a world order, as well as to resolve issues and security challenges


About Author :

Igor Dirgantara is senior researcher and lecturer Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya, Indonesia.


References :

Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, Jakarta, Equinox Publishing, 2007.

Rebecca Grant & Kathleen Newland, Gender and International Relations, Buckingham, Open University Press, 1991.

Prabowo Subianto, et. all, Membangun Kembali Indonesia Raya, Jakarta, Institute Garuda Nusantara, 2009.

Anis H. Bajrektarevic, From WWI to www. – Was history ever on Holiday?, Addleton Academic Publishers/GHIR, New York


http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/sideviews/article/on-the-indonesias-election-2014-igor-dirgantara

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/09/18/prabowo-could-be-indonesia-s-lee-kuan-yew.html

http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/voting-trends-in-upcoming-indonesian-elections-4936/

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/05/12/jokowi-wants-start-mental-revolution.html

http://www.tnp.no/norway/global/4358-mood-wisdom-and-passions-of-middle-class-in-upcoming-indonesian-election

http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/race-strengthen-foreign-ties/

http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/93655/observer-raises-suspicion-over-jokowi-blake-meeting

http://www.teraspos.com/en/read/2014/03/15/84284/jokowi-breaks-his-campaign-promise-for-his-presidential-candidacy

http://www.thebalitimes.com/2014/04/14/public-favors-presidential-candidates-with-military-background/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=public-favors-presidential-candidates-with-military-background



16.07.2014



Interview with Jennifer Loewenstein

Palestine has right to resist occupier: Expert



Click on the picture and watch the video or read the text below: - Sun Jul 13, 2014 6:13AM

Press TV has conducted an interview with Jennifer Loewenstein, a professor at the Wisconsin-Madison University, from Madison, to discuss the situation in Palestine.

What follows is an approximate transcription of the interview.

Press TV: What do you think is the overall underlying cause to what we’re seeing taking place in Gaza today?

Jennifer LoewensteinLoewenstein: The underlying cause is land. Israel captured the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem in 1967. They have been illegally held since then. Israel has put hundreds of settlements in the West Bank and 600,000 settlers continue to live there illegally.

The peace negotiations go nowhere because the Israeli prime ministers have no intention of giving that land back.

Press TV: You take, “holding onto it tenaciously” - when we look at Gaza Strip and we see the missiles falling on this very densely populated area, does it appear to you that that word, that that’s a correct phrase that the Israelis are “holding on to the land tenacious” or are they trying to basically – it appears to punish the Palestinian people even more? –Your take.

Loewenstein: I think it’s both. They’re holding onto the land much more than tenaciously. They have no intention of ever giving it back. There’s also a long tradition of collective punishment.

I disagree with the other speaker about the historical roots of this conflict. It goes back to the 1880s.

In the First World War when Lord Arthur Balfour declared the Balfour Declaration, he had no right to do so because the British had not yet even conquered the Gaza Strip or the area, or Palestine, when they issued this declaration. The British had no right to do that in the first place. They were colonialists and occupiers themselves.

There’s something wrong with the interpretation of this conflict even in our textbooks, in our media and among our government pundits here in the United States. We don’t understand this conflict in its roots. We don’t understand that the entire land of Palestine belongs to the Palestinians.

Press TV: You said that in the United States people do not understand the reality of what has happened and what is going on? Why do you think that’s the case?

Loewenstein: One, because we’re taught that it’s the case in our schools, and that teaching is repeated in our newspapers and by our politicians, and until the American public can learn otherwise, which they have plenty of opportunities to do given the amazing access they have to alternative media on the internet, we are going to stay ignorant and, I must say, complicit in the crimes that the United States is involved in and responsible for by allowing Israel to continue its criminal policies against the Palestinian people and many other people in the Middle East, I should add.

Press TV: We hear this continuously especially in the mainstream media, that Israel has responded to the aggression from Hamas. Of course what isn’t talked about is the tight crackdown on Palestinian areas - the West Bank and also the Gaza Strip - prior to this happening.

What isn’t talked about is if then Hamas is the aggressor, then you would assume then that the aggressor, that the casualties would be greater on that other side; but we see as of this broadcast 135 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza and at least 1,000 injured.

On the other side, the only casualty that we have so far is an Israeli soldier. Tell me in your perspective, what does it say?

Loewenstein: You know, first of all Hamas did not start this latest conflict. Hamas never ordered the kidnapping and murder of three Israelis, and this is what Netanyahu told the Israeli people and this is what we’re hearing in the United States.

Secondly, I think it is a gross misrepresentation of the facts that somehow the Israelis and the Palestinians are equal parties in this conflict. The occupied and the occupier are different people. Those who are slaves and those who are kept under occupation have the right to resist regimes that are discriminatory or that occupy them. I think Israel up to now has been extremely lucky that it has not seen far more resistance among the Palestinians. I don’t condone violence. I prefer non-violent resistance. I still, never-the-less, think that Israel has no right what-so-ever to attack people it is illegally occupying.

I think, once again, it has complete disregard for the lives of civilians.

It is using an excuse. The excuse is Hamas, to continue holding on to territories it does not own, that it has no right to. We don’t hear about that in the West.

We don’t understand that these territories have been illegally occupied and settled. This is a colonial settler state that we are talking about. Israel is a colonial settler state.

Its crimes against the Palestinians are not sporadic. They go on every day. This is not much of an escalation of those crimes. We just don’t hear about the number of deaths of Palestinian civilians on a day-to-day basis, that’s blocked out of our media.

Just seeing three Israelis in the newspaper after they were kidnapped and killed is enough to make people indignant and angry against the Palestinians.

Where are the thousands of faces and names and biographies and families in mourning of the Palestinians? When are we going to see them? When are they going to have the same value of human life as the Israelis and the Americans?

Press TV: You go ahead, Ms. Loewenstein, I’ll let you answer the question [posed by the previous guest speaker, Bob Ayers]. Go ahead, ma’am.

Loewenstein: First, I have to comment on your guest’s comments about colonial settler states. The United States is indeed a colonial settler state, perhaps the worst one around today. It exterminated 100,000,000 Native Americans in North America from 1500 until the beginning of the 20th century, and we have never made reparations to those people. That is absolutely correct and I speak about that often.

As to the second part of your question, would you repeat that again?

Press TV: Well, I am running out of time but I’d like you to address at this point right now with the situation in Gaza. We hear about these rockets and we hear about this going on, do you think there is like a disconnect, as if we don’t understand the personal stories that are behind it? We say it very easily, that 100 rockets have been fired, but if we look at the statistics on the ground, and I understand that you have had a personal experience, please tell me about the situation.

Loewenstein: To compare the rockets being fired by Hamas militants over the border into Israel with the fourth most powerful military state in the world, and the second most powerful among NATO nations, I have to say that that’s criminal.

Your other speaker’s interpretation of the 1973 war is equally full of propaganda. It’s unfortunate that we hear it because for example the Egyptians never attacked Israel in that war. They invaded the Sinai desert, which was occupied Egyptian land, and they had a right to take that land back. I can’t imagine anyone saying otherwise.

Yes, today a friend of mine in Gaza saw his neighbor’s house blown up while the residence of that family were inside that house. The people inside that house were not Hamas militants. In fact, there were no Hamas people in that house at all. There were people in the streets in fact shouting ‘you’ve hit the wrong house’.

Because even if hitting a Hamas house were legal, and it is not, there’s something wrong with an army claiming precision-guided missiles that accidentally drops a bomb on completely innocent people again and again and again in every single war. The overall casualties between dead Israelis and dead Palestinians, Lebanese and other Arabs in the Middle East are so disproportionate that to talk about Israel as a victim is a crime.


Look to video:
Palestine has right to resist occupier: Expert



Look yet to video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mo12_jLPjmE

13.07.2014




Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism?

by Peny Sotiropoulou

 

Introduction

Peny SotiropoulouProf. Anis Bajrektarevic famously claimed that “…the conglomerate of nation-states/EU has silently handed over one of its most important debates – that of European identity – to the wing-parties, recently followed by the several selective and contra-productive foreign policy actions.” Elaborating on these actions he went further as to claim that: “…sort of Islam Europe supported in the Middle East yesterday, is the sort of Islam that Europe hosts today. (…) and “…that Islam in Turkey (or in Kirgizstan and in Indonesia) is broad, liberal and tolerant while the one in Northern Europe is a brutally dismissive and assertive.”
 

******

 

Western Europe is phasing the outcomes of the development of two different trajectories. On one side, the immigrant presence from the former colonies, growing since the 1960’s, has turned Western Europe into a multicultural and, by extension, multi-faith mosaic. On the other, the permanent decline of religious performance has brought up a wider consensus concerning the privatization of religion as well as its status of invisibility in the public sphere. These two trajectories can be perceived as oppositional if one bears in mind the significant numbers of non- white immigrants residing in Western European states and the paramount importance most of them place on religion for identification, organization and political representation. Several prominent academics refer to the emergence of the aforementioned phenomenon as a ‘crisis of secularism’.

However, I would like to argue that such clear-cut judgments present several problems. To begin with, ‘secularism’ is a complex term with multiple meanings. Western Europe currently sports two forms of secularism; the radical model of French laicité and the moderate form followed by the rest of the states. Within the latter framework, several kinds of state-religion connections have been developed throughout the years. Even in the radical French model some state-religion connections exist, although they are concealed under cultural terms. As becomes apparent, if we take absolute state-religious separation as a crude definition of secularism, it turns out that ‘a crisis’ occurred well before the advent of multicultural presence.

Indeed, this essay will attempt to clarify that although multiculturalism supports and promotes the recognition of minority religious identities, the statement that it puts secularism under crisis is a bit exaggerated, if not purposefully misleading. Multiculturalism does not opt for a complete disestablishment of secularism. On the contrary, multiculturalism supports moderate secularism as it is believed that the various types of religion-state connections within it can be extended so as to accommodate minority religions, as well. All in all, multiculturalism strives for a rethinking of secularism, a renegotiation of the term, for it to become less restrictive for minorities that feel marginalized because of their religious identity.


The defining characteristics of Western Europe’s multicultural reality

Western Europe started to receive exceptionally large numbers of non-white immigrants after the 1973 oil crisis, in order to rebuild its devastated economy. As its capitalist economy constantly demands a cheap labor force, people continue immigrating to Western Europe for the prospect of a better and safer life. Under these circumstances, Western Europe has reached the diversity previously characteristic of traditional immigrant receptacles such as the USA. There is, however, a fundamental difference in this comparison; the large amounts of Muslim immigrants residing in Western Europe. Specifically, Muslims form the majority of non-white Western European immigrants, with a rough estimate putting them at approximately 6% of the relevant total (Pew Research, 2011). Although Muslims appear to be evenly distributed, their presence in the larger cities is far more noticeable and rapidly growing. Regardless of this strong Muslim presence, non- white immigrant minorities in Western Europe, especially those coming from South Asia, seek to identify themselves, while also being recognized by the state and their fellow-citizens, on the basis of their religious identity (Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims).

This strong religious assertiveness, despite having gone unnoticed for a long time as a matter of importance concerning group recognition, has become the main topic of discussion in Western European multicultural politics over the last few decades. The matter of controversy is the position of religious or ethno-religious immigrant identities in the public sphere of Western European states.


Multiculturalism, multicultural citizenship and religious identities
 


Peny Sotiropoulou
(Athens, Greece, 1990)

Peny Sotiropoulou is a current Master’s student of Ethnicity and Multiculturalism in the department of Sociology at the University of Bristol. She had previously studied Primary Education at the University of Patras (Greece). Her academic fields of interest include topics such as nationalism, racism, multiculturalism and education.
She has attended and given several talks in conferences as well as done two publications concerning the need for the teaching of antiracist activities in Elementary School (2012 - CiCea Newsletter, Vol. 23) and the importance of the inclusion of elements of ethnic minorities’ culture in the educational system of host countries (forthcoming).
Her previous working experiences include teaching practice in the Elementary School and research assistant duties in several European projects (e.g. SIRIUS: European Policy Network on the education of children and young people with a migrant background, SPARDA: Shaping Perceptions and Attitudes to Realize the Diversity Advantage, Education of Foreign and Repatriated Students and ETALAGE: European Task-based Activities for Language Learning; a good practice exchange).

Multiculturalism is a political ideology which, during the last few decades in Western Europe, focuses primarily on the need for recognition of immigrant minorities. According to Modood, multiculturalism ‘refers to the struggle, the political mobilization but also the policy and institutional outcomes, to the forms of accommodation in which ‘differences’ are not eliminated, are not washed away but to some extent recognized’. Moreover, as he proceeds to mention, multiculturalism ‘is a politics which recognizes post-immigration groups exist in western societies in ways that both they and the other, formally and informally, negatively and positively are aware that these group-differentiating dimensions are central to their social constitution’. In summation, multiculturalism avoids group-blind approaches and ‘promotes politics of recognition as a means to secure multicultural equalities between groups’.

Members of ethnic minorities with a strong religious character (such as Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus) experience marginalization on the grounds of their religion. For the members of these minority groups, however, religion is a basic element of their self-identity that they are not willing to surrender so as to become accepted. Jacobson, O’Beirne, Fish and Gillat-Ray are just a few examples that illustrate precisely how religion is an aspect that permeates all aspects of Muslim’s life, representing an integral part of their self as well as a tradition offering a sense of belonging. Thus, these groups react with a strong religious assertion in the public sphere, demanding the same recognition and respect previously given to other minority groups, originally marginalized in terms of their ‘different’ identity (racial, ethnic, sexual).

According to Modood, ‘multicultural citizenship is the project to make citizenship-inclusion or integration possible on terms that respect all and in particular those […] whose subjectivities are marginalized or dismissed […]’. Bearing this position in mind, multicultural politics acknowledge ‘the importance of religious identities to some non-white ethnic minorities…and…their centrality to some forms of ethnic minority self-assertions, mobilizations and political claims-making’. Thus, from a multiculturalist perspective, in order for these ethnic minorities to be equally accommodated, the state must respect and recognize their religious identities.

Under such circumstances, it becomes clear that state-religion relations can be seen as a matter of recognition. As religious identities (Sikh, Hindu and most notably Muslim) have become one of the most salient minority status markers, Western European states, driven by a ‘multicultural sensibility’, realize that state-religion connections must be rethought according to the needs presented by the new multi-faith reality. This process of negotiation for the place of religious minority identities in public is perceived by many as a violation of the secular norms of religious neutrality and church-state separation, which are deeply rooted in Western European states. However, to what extent this contention is true is a matter of great controversy.


Secularism in Western Europe

Modood defines political secularism as a condition in which ‘political authority does not rest on religious authority and the latter does not dominate political authority’.

Secularism is a principle deeply embedded in all Western European states since the signing of the treaty of Westphalia. In national narratives, secularism has been referenced as the modern developmental process that brought about the emergence of sovereign states. It has been defined as the principle that disentangled individuals and states from their religious beliefs to halt the potential resurgence of the violent wars of the past. Thus, the need for a separate existence of secular and religious spheres has come to be perceived as the alleged sine qua non for every society that wants to be perceived as modern.

‘The separation of Church and State, the neutrality of the state in regard to religion, religious freedom and understandings of secularisation in terms of the privatisation and decline of religion, are all at the heart of discourses about secularism’. The practical implementation of secularism differs across state borders. Thus, in broader terms, Western European secularism can be divided in two different categories; the radical model and the moderate one.


a. Laicité

Laicité is the radical model of secularism adopted solely by France. In this kind of secularism, religion is essentially banished from the public sphere. Religion is perceived as an anachronistic element, which must be completely marginalized in the name of reason and liberal individual freedom. Religion is strictly differentiated from the public domain, only maintaining a place in individuals’ private life. Accordingly, the state takes a neutral stance on any kind of religion in the name of the liberal value of equal treatment for all individuals. Under these circumstances, the state supports a model of assimilationist, civic integration. ‘Integration here is understood as an allegiance to a common civic identity and the joint pursuit of the common good’. In other words, in order for someone to be fully integrated into French society, the civic element of his/her identity should trump all others in the public sphere. As Bouchard & Taylor aptly put it, such a position ‘demands the removal or neutralization of the identity markers (including religion […]) that differentiate citizens’ and ‘[…] assumes that the removal of the difference is a prerequisite to integration’.

However, this rigid a context is destabilized when the need to integrate people not previously nurtured with these hard boundaries between private and public religion arises. Such is the case with immigrant minorities claiming a strong religious identity.

The French state reacted to this multiculturalist challenge with a top-down approach, which sought to restrict the public expression of minority religious identities. The state as well as the majority of the public opinion perceived the wearing of religious symbols in public as a political project violating the secular principle concerning the privatization of religion and the neutrality of the public sphere. Consequently, the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols – clearly aimed at Muslims’ headscarves and Sikhs’ turbans – was banned by law in February 2004. The banning of the full-face veil (niqab) from public spaces followed in April 2011.

Both of these legislation initiatives show an inclination to bracket ‘difference’ through the implementation of the historically contingent principles of secularism in a sort of ‘fetishization of the favored institutional arrangements’. Such movements show the unwillingness of the state to recognize that religion can be a representative element of groups or entire cultures. In other words, the state replies to religious assertiveness with a ‘religious-focused version of different-blindness’. The denial of public religious accommodation conceals the cultural privileges of Christian traditions that are deeply entrenched in the notion of secularism, thus sustaining the inferiority and alienation of non-Christian traditions. This is to say that a concept of ‘neutrality’ is impossible, as the state always reflects specific cultural characteristics, which in the case of France are rooted in Christianity.

The strong insistence of French politics on the preservation of secularism, as presented through the application of the aforementioned measures, reifies the secular-religious dichotomy as an unsurmountable opposition, diminishing any potential for a fruitful mixture between the two sides. Based on a secularist argumentation, the state presents itself as acting in the service of an ‘us’ wanting to assimilate (or exclude) an as yet illiberal (or premodern) ‘them’. As Modood puts it, ‘such totalized dualistic perspectives are not conducive to fostering dialogue, to respect for difference, to seeking common ground and negotiated accommodation[…]and above all to multicultural citizenship’. If religious identities are excluded in a way that no other identity (be it racial, ethnic, sexual or whatever else) is, then there is obviously a profound bias against religious identity which clashes with the multicultural principle of equality between identity groups. If one were to use this radical form of secularism as a model, then multiculturalism clearly makes it ‘at risk’.

However, there is another perspective in the French laicité which is worth mentioning, to illustrate that ethnic minorities’ claims for religious accommodation are not all that contradictory to the existing practices of the Republican state. Rather, they are based on pre-existing state-religious relationships. More specifically, since the establishment of the law of 1905, the state is committed to contribute financially to the preservation of church buildings, as it acknowledges that they are part of French cultural heritage. Moreover, since the establishment of ‘Debré Law’ in 1959, the state, to a great extent, sponsors Catholic Church Schools. Clearly, the secular French state both acknowledges and respects, by law, that religion is a part of one’s tradition and culture that needs to be preserved and moreover that it can contribute to education.

Bearing the aforementioned facts in mind, it seems that even in the radical laicité model, some manner of state-religion connections are already active. Consequently, ethnic minorities’ struggle, based on the multiculturalist principles, for the recognition of their religious identity by the state is not an initiative that places secularism under ‘crisis’. What is requested is not the desecularisation or disestablishment of the privileges of the Christian tradition within a secular context. Rather, the challenge is how to add the new faiths alongside the older ones in a process of ‘equalising upwards’.

A relevant initiative has been launched by president Sarkozi with the establishment of the French Council for the Muslim Faith in 2003, whose function is to act as the primary liaison between the French government and Muslims. Despite the fact that the assembly of the council was a state-construct and that it has, to date, failed to become recognized as representative by the majority of the French Muslim population, such initiatives are necessary for the equal accommodation of religious minorities. Even if these initiatives may seem prima facie contrary to laicité, this is not the case for their relationship to moderate secularism.


b. Moderate secularism

Following Modood, ‘the key feature of moderate secularism is that it sees organized religion as not just a private benefit but as a potential public good or national resource, […]which the state can in some circumstances assist to realise’. Under these circumstances state and church remain autonomous but may still collaborate in several domains. Modood aptly explains what can be perceived as such a state-religion connection; it is a ‘kind of relationship with the state such that a religious organisation participates in the functions of the state or is a partner in governance, helping the state to discharge some of its duties and implementation of policies or it is continuously supported by public funds or it is part of the symbolism of the state in a clearly non-neutralist way’. Through the presentation of a series of empirical examples of states that adopt religion-state connections, an attempt will be made to show that multicultural recognition politics for immigrants’ religious identities do not clash with this manner of arrangements. On the contrary, the latter may be a platform for multicultural integration.

Initially presented to support this argument follows the German example. In Germany, the most important source of funding for religious communities comes from tax receipts. This state financial aid to ‘religious societies being organized as corporations under public law’ is also protected by the law. Moreover, numerous public sponsorships are granted to religious communities. In addition, it must be mentioned that around half of Germany’s welfare provisions are channeled to the public through Church-based organisations, within a climate of a civic society, in which church and state can work together for the accomplishment of common goals. The Muslim presence in Germany is considerable and enduring, especially bearing in mind the large Turkish minority. According to Korioth & Ausberg, Muslims make up approximately 4% of the German population. Of course, Germany is renowned for its anti-multiculturalist sentiments and the ‘Gastarbeiter’ approach in its immigration policy. However, a climate of ‘multiculturalist sensibility’ is present and reflected in ‘corporatist’ forms of Muslim accommodation. More specifically, chancellor Merkel and her government launched the first German Islam Conference in 2006. According to Aslan, this initiative had aimed ‘to restore mutual trust within the society and its Muslim communities’ so as ‘to enhance the religious and social integration of the Muslim population in Germany’. Since then, the conference has been held annually in the form of a dialogue between ‘the state and selected representatives of Muslims in Germany’. Although top-down, such an attempt can be viewed neither as radically secularist nor as assimilationist. Rather, it meets the multiculturalist prerequisites of willingness for mutual negotiation in order to find effective solutions for the accommodation of religious difference. The German state remains secular but understands that Muslims face discrimination on the basis of their religion and that the state needs to take action so as to protect this group. This solution is not sought outside of the secular principles. Rather, the state tries to renegotiate these principles so that Muslim integration can be achieved within them.

England is another relevant paradigm. Religion and the state are first connected ‘symbolically’, as the monarch has also the ultimate authority of the Church of England and can only undertake duties after being blessed by bishops. Accordingly, 26 bishops are members of the House of Lords, the supreme legislative body of the state, having equal rights with the rest of the members. Apart from that, the Church of England has a substantial educational contribution, in which it is almost exclusively supported by state subsidies.

Of import to the argument at hand is the expansion of state connections to incorporate its Muslim immigrant population, as well. During the New Labor governance, the state recognized the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) as the representative voice of British Muslim population (1997). Throughout its period of governance, New Labor in collaboration with the MCB initiated a series of measures that enabled and promoted the smooth integration of Muslims in the national context. They jointly fostered public acknowledgment of the importance of their religious identity, the introduction of state funded Muslim schools (following their Jewish and Christian counterparts) and concentrated policies on tackling religious discrimination, which reached their peak with the establishment of the law against religious discrimination (2003). All of these attempts were backed by the Church in a climate of ‘interfaith respect’ and ‘multi-faith harmony’.

Relevant examples of states that have extended their church connections to accommodate religious diversity can also be found in Belgium’s multi-faith Council of Religions and in Denmark’s model of ‘multiple establishment’, were Muslim religious communities enjoy a formally recognized and approved status as well as state tax benefits.

None of the aforementioned examples drift from the minimalistic definition of secularism presented previously, meaning that a mutual autonomy between state and religion is still ensured. It should by now have become apparent, through the presentation of these empirical examples, that the type of state-religion connections developed within the framework of moderate secularism makes a clear case that religious minorities can be recognized and accommodated without braking the basic secular rule. In other words, multiculturalism and religious diversity do not necessarily equate eradication of established churches or a ‘crisis’ of secularism.


Conclusion

This essay aimed to evaluate the contention that the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe is the result of multiculturalism. To this end, several points, facts and empirical examples were presented. The presence of immigrants in Western Europe has undeniably brought with it both multiculturalism and religious diversity. Moreover, some immigrants brought, and continue to bring, with them religious beliefs totally alien to Western Europeans, which can lead to their being discriminated against on the basis of their religion. Muslims are the most notable example of the aforementioned observance, since they form the majority of non-Christian immigrants residing in Western European states, with Sikhs and Hindus also sharing similar experiences. It is therefore clear that the minority statuses of the aforementioned immigrant groups are due to their religious identities.

Multicultural politics support equality for all citizens not on the basis of providing equal rights to all but rather on that of recognition of the existence of group identities. Accordingly, multiculturalism acknowledges the fact that for immigrant groups with a strong-religious character to be recognized, the state needs to recognize religious difference and seek to tackle the problem of religious discrimination. Some people, and more specifically adherents of crude secularism, believe that this brings the whole notion of ‘secularism’ under crisis. However, as Modood aptly puts it, multiculturalism’s focus on recognition of immigrant groups’ religious identities ‘is based on recognition and inclusivity, not the truth of doctrines’ and ‘is not opposed to secular or non- religious identities but is additional to them and is not meant to suggest any inherent superiority or desirability of religious over non-religious identities – or vice versa’.

Multiculturalism interacts with two different kinds of secularism in Western Europe. On the one hand, there is the French laicité, which reacts to the multi-faith challenge with religious-blind policies that sustain the inequalities faced by immigrant religious minority groups. On the grounds of an alleged principle of state neutrality as well as the liberal principle of individual freedom, the French state seeks to banish the presence of minority religions form the public sphere. As it becomes clear, if this is the prototypical model of secularism taken into consideration, multiculturalism definitively puts it under great strain. However, the challenge is not one of forcing France to lose its Catholic character or abandon the idea of secularism on the whole. What is requested, is some form of state-religion connection within the secular framework, which would provide some sort of recognition to the Muslim immigrant community.

Such state-religion connections have been a part of the prevalent, moderate, form of secularism implemented in most of the Western European states for some time now. In moderate secularism, religion is not only understood as a private matter but also as a potential public good, which the state seeks to assist. Germany, England, Denmark and Belgium are just some of the states that have positively and effectively responded to the challenge of multicultural religious diversity by extending their state-religion connections so as to accommodate immigrant religious minorities.
In summation, multiculturalism may bring religion to the forefront anew but it does not do so in ways necessarily totally alien to secularism. As it has been shown, several kinds of long-lasting state-religion connections have been developed, especially in moderate forms of secularism, even before the expression of immigrant demand for some sort of public recognition of their religious identities. Seen in this light, multiculturalism cannot be seen as seeking a “crisis of secularism”, but rather as calling for nothing more than an extension of tenets already present in secularism, so that new faiths can be brought into any given secular state model alongside their older, preexisting counterparts.


July 5, 2014



Geo–cultural strategy for Eurasia
A Paradigm for the New Silk Road

Emre Kovacs and Murray Hunter

 

In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed that China and Central Asia collaborate to build a Silk Road Economic Belt, which would comprise all countries within the Eurasian region. According to Eurasian expert and China Daily columnist Liang Qiang, such a corridor would be the World’s longest economic belt, with the most potential for development, and a strategic base of energy resources in the 21st century.

Liang Qiang further noted: “The Chinese government can strive for the vision of establishing the Silk Road Economic Belt by making further efforts to build mutual trust and overcome doubts, such as making clear the difference between China’s vision and those of Russia and the US, and stressing development and cooperation without economic integration, and by taking into consideration the different concerns of different countries and actively seeking converging economic interests with regional countries.”

Read more on the next page:



22.06.2014



EU = SU² - An ahistorical enterprise?

(Of Europe’s 9/11 and 11/9, 100 years later)

 

Europe of June 1914 and of June 2014. Hundred years in between, two hot and one cold war. The League of Nations, Cristal Night, Eurosong and Helsinki Decalogue Coco Chanel, VW, Marshall Aid, Tito, Yuri Gagarin, Tolkien’s troll, Berlin wall and Euro-toll Ideologies, purges, repeated genocides, the latest one coinciding with the Maastricht birth of the Union… a televised slaughterhouse and the Olympic city besieged for 1,000 days, just one hour flight from Brussels.

E non so più pregare
E nell'amore non so più sperare
E quell'amore non so più aspettare
[1]

Key words in 1914: Jingoism, booming trade and lack of trust, assassination, imminent collision, grand war. 100 years later; Europe absorbed by the EU project, demographic and economic decline, chauvinism reloaded … Twisting between the world of (Gavrilo) PRINCIP and global village of (instant) MONETISATION (of every-thing and everyone)… Are our past hundred years an indication of what to expect throughout this century?! What is our roadmap?! Is it of any help to reflect on the Sarajevo event of June 28
th, 1914 which has finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Èpoque, and set the Old Continent (and its world) into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before ending with the unique unionistic form of today’s Europe?

Four men leading one man bound
One man whom the four men hound
One man counted bound and led
One man whom the four men dread[2]

The following lines are not a comprehensive account on all of the events. Rather interpretative by its nature, this is a modest reminder of what Europe used and still tends to be, despite all our passions and hopes, visions and targets, institutions and instruments.

* * * * *

Read more on the next page:

Anis Bajrektarevic, Professor and Chairperson
International Law and Global Political Studies
Vienna (Austria), EUROPE
Cell: +43 (0) 676 739 71 75
email: anis@bajrektarevic.eu
www.bajrektarevic.eu

21.06.2014



Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
  Prema Evropi bez političkih zatvorenika
Gerald Knaus

Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
Kosovo essay – Of Patriarchs and Rebels / Berlin event – Political prisoner dilemmas
Helping families and lawyers / Godot in Macedonia
ESI capacity building – from Lake Ohrid to the Bosporus

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06.06.2014



Sea Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social justice?

Murray Hunter

 

If you travelled to a small pier at the bottom of Ann Street in Williamstown, a bayside suburb of Melbourne, Australia, you would come across a small letterbox with the words "Sea Shepherd" painted over it. Next to the letterbox is an old shed that has seen much better times with an open gate leading to two ships, the Steve Irwin and Bob Barker moored and being outfitted for a future yet unknown maritime mission.

For a highly controversial direct action marine conservation society, best known for the direct action it has been taking against Japanese whaling ships in the Southern Ocean near Antarctica, security is extremely lax on the pier. In fact tours are offered of the MV Bob Barker every week while it is having a major fit-out.

One thing that will strike anybody making the effort to take the tour is how well organized Sea Shepherd really is. Although the crew has attracted many people of different nations serving on one of the four Sea Shepherd ships, the members appear to be very highly motivated, coordinated, and ready to get into harm's way for the causes they believe in.



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06.05.2014



Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down

World Security Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, April 17, 2014
Dear Friends of the World Security Network,
Ukraine is in severe danger of losing its eastern territory. The escalation level is rising to military confrontation with the separatists and Russian special forces and a possible open intervention by the Russian Federation.

The approach of the Europeans and U.S. to this crisis in Ukraine is still mainly reactionary, after a committed start by the German, Polish and French foreign ministers during the Maidan Square occupation.

The U.S., the EU and especially influential Germany, with its strong relations to Moscow, should now pursue a more active double strategy of power and diplomacy, including hard and soft factors of peace keeping. I call this fresh approach World 3.0.

Read more on the next page:


President and Founder
World Security Network Foundation



The Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 – Critical Similarities
Between Inner Lake and Open Sea

While the world’s attention remains focused on Ukraine, Crimea is portrayed as its hotbed. No wonder as this peninsula is an absolutely pivotal portion of the Black Sea theatre for the very survival of the Black Sea fleet to both Russia and Ukraine. In the larger context, it revels the old chapters of history books full of overt and covert struggles between Atlantic–Central Europe and Russophone Europe for influence and strategic depth extension over the playground called Eastern Europe.

However, there are two other vital theatres for these same protagonists, both remaining underreported and less elaborated.

Author brings an interesting account on Caspian and Artic, by contrasting and comparing them. He claims that both water plateaus are of utmost geopolitical as well as of geo-economic (biota, energy, transport) importance, and that Caspian and Arctic will considerably influence passions and imperatives of any future mega geopolitical strategies – far more than Black Sea could have ever had.

Read more on the next page:

Vienna, 14 APR 14
Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
anis@corpsdiplomatique.cd
 



Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac
-  Member of the Advisory Board of the IFIMES International Institute 

Malaysian Boeing 777 accident

On the basis of the information gathered and published it is possible to establish some important parameters for the reconstruction of the missing Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 accident. Those parameters are:

- the signals coming to the base station showed that the engines were working for about seven hours after the plane formally disappeared;

- although the satellite and radar images of the plane in the air are insufficiently reliable they nevertheless indicate that the plane was physically in the air for about seven hours after the moment it formally went missing;

- the fact that several passengers had their cell phones turned on is a considerable indicator that they were physically present in the plane while it was flying in the air although none of them answered the calls.

Read more on the next page:

30.03..2014



Geopolitics and the dramatic confrontation over Crimea

They are looking WestDear friends,

In recent months large numbers of Ukrainians braved first the cold, and then snipers, protesting and waving the blue star-spangled flag of Europe. This has angered leaders in the Kremlin, leading to the dramatic confrontation over Crimea. It also left many in the EU confused how to respond.

Should the EU, or future Ukrainian governments, withdraw the promise of deeper integration in order to placate a grim and threatening Russia, as some in the EU are arguing behind closed doors? Is Ukraine's still undefined "European perspective" worth the risk of offending Russia?

Or have Ukrainians, by defending their right to ratify an Association Agreement with the EU – and to pursue deeper integration in the future – in fact kept open the single most promising path for their country to transform itself for the benefit of its ordinary citizens?


Read more on the next page:

21.03.2014



INDONESIA ELECTION 2014

By Igor Dirgantara

Abstract
One of the fastest growing economies (over 6%) and the forthcoming power house in the impressive world’s top 10 club, as well as the largest Muslim (but secular, republican and non-Arab) country is heading towards its presidential elections. Mood, wisdom and passions of the strongly emerging Indonesian middle class will be decisive this time. Or by words of distinguish colleague of mine, professor Anis Bajrektarevic: “The middle class is like a dual-use technology, it can be deployed peacefully, but it also might be destructively weaponized, for at home or abroad.”

Keywords: Indonesia Election, Presidential Candidates, Political Programs, Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi

From November 2013 to January 2014,  Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya (UJ), periodically conducted surveys related to the electability of the political parties and the presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2014 elections. The results show that the electability of the Democratic Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have been decreasing following corruption cases. The survey was conducted in 33 provinces by taking a sample of 1225 people which have the right to vote (aged 17 years and over. or not yet 17 years old but already married). The margin of error is + / - 2.8% and the confidence level is 95%. Population Data were collected through interviews withrespondents using techniques based on the questionnaire.

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28.02.2014



Climate Change and Re-Insurance:  The Human Security Issue
SC – SEA

Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic &  Carla Baumer

 

1  Introduction

Climate change, its existence, causes and effects, has been disputed by researchers, academics and policy makers.
The given degree of international consensus varies greatly between those most affected by changes to climatic conditions in contrast to those who are estimated to only experience a limited effect.

Controversially, it can also be claimed that some regions are set to gain from climate change such as the polar region nations currently disputing resource claims and logistic networks. In analysis of available data, research suggests the increased intensity of storms, hurricanes, cyclones, flooding, droughts, bushfires, mudslides and hailstorms along with increased temperatures, rising sea levels, and changing to pressure systems.

With climate change as a global phenomenon, not isolated to a certain region, the interest of stakeholders remains strongest in those with the ‘smallest’ voice such as the coastal areas, islands, commonly catastrophe prone and ‘future’ catastrophe prone regions in South East Asia.


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30.01.2014



Call for Action in Syria
World Security Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, January 23, 2014

Dear Friends of the World Security Network,

as the Syrian peace conference is currently held in Montreux, Switzerland, the independent World Security Network Foundation would like to share with you its proposals for the future of Syria, that we have come up with two years ago and still find them valid today.

 1. A new Syrian Constitution should be discussed and adopted by the Syrian National Council as soon as possible. We should not wait for the fall of the Assad regime in the hope that a democratic constitution can be agreed in the extreme chaos that will inevitably follow.

This mistake was made in Iraq as well as in Libya and Egypt where the West did not connect its support with a crystal-clear democratic constitution first and naively believed democrats would later win in the power struggle with radicals.

Read more on the next page:

23.01.2014



PUBLICATIONS:

  
The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks? - by Dimitra Karantzeni

   Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

   Europe – the letzte Mensch or Übermensch, the new Byzantium or declining Rome - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

   Brazil – New Age - Patricia Galves Derolle

   “War as Usual” in Palestine. Can Kosovo’s Independence Serve as Role Model for a Way Out? - by Corinna Metz

   Global Climate Negotiations and Politics - Alisa Fazleeva

   A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

   From WWI to www.PUTIN NEXT DR - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

   Palestine has right to resist occupier: Expert

   Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism? - by Peny Sotiropoulou

   EU = SU² - An ahistorical enterprise?

   Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
 
   Sea Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social justice? - Murray Hunter

    Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down

    The Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 – Critical Similarities - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Malaysian Boeing 777 accident - Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac

   
Geopolitics and the dramatic confrontation over Crimea

    INDONESIA ELECTION 2014 - By Igor Dirgantara

    Climate_Change_and_Re_Insurance:_The_Human_Security_Issue_SC-SEA_Prof.Anis_Bajrektarevic_&_Carla_Baumer

    Call_for_Action_in_Syria_-_World_Security_Network_reporting_from_Berlin_in_Germany,_January_23,_2014

    HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]

   
The emergence of the Bhikkhuni Sangha (monkhood for women) in Thailand -
Murray Hunter

   
North Korean Leadership Upheaval: Voices from the South

    20 Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty - Eva MAURINA

   
Is Singapore Western Intelligence's 6th Eye in Asia?- Murray Hunter


   In Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak

   Malaysia: Why the Pakatan Rakyat does not deserve to be the Federal Government - Murray Hunter

  
The Germans to the Front? - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

   
The Australian security state is collecting intelligence on an Orwellian scale never seen before
- Murray Hunter

   
Has an 'out of control' intelligence community compromised 'Australia in the Asian Century'?-Murray Hunter

   
The European Court of Justice of Human Rights and Bosnia

   
The Australian Government's new stance on human rights?
- Murray Hunter

    NATO rejects Bosnia and Herzegovina due to Russia's influence - Bakhtyar Aljaf

    The immorality of Australia's prostitution laws
- Murray Hunter

   
Australian Election: Abbott as PM may surprise everyone
- Murray Hunter

    Malaysia: Desperately needing a new national narrative - Murray Hunter

    One Man's view of the world and a thousand faceless men: Singapore's cadre system - Murray Hunter


    How important is the Australian Election? - Murray Hunter

    El Indio: Seeking Symmetry - By Jamil Maidan Flores

 
 
Australian Immigration - the Snowden link? - Murray Hunter

    Sarawak Reenacts Independence from Britain 50 years Ago -Murray Hunter

    The return of Kevin Rudd as Australian PM: For how long? - Murray Hunter

    Reinvigorating Rural Malaysia - New Paradigms Needed - Murray Hunter

    Can there be a National Unity Government in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

    Will Australian Labor Remain Principled and fall on its own Sword? - Murray Hunter

    Finding a long term solution in the 'Deep South' of Thailand - Murray Hunter

    Islamic Freedom in ASEAN - Murray Hunter
  
    Multiculturalism is dead in Europe – MENA oil and the (hidden) political price Europe pays for it - Author: Anis Bajrektarevic

    Malaysia: It was Never About the Election It was always about what would happen afterwards - Murray Hunter

    Enriching the Sustainability Paradigm - Murray Hunter
 
    Does Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper Signal a Strategic Withdraw? - Murray Hunter

    Where is Saudi Arabian Society Heading? - Abdullah Abdul Elah Ali Sallam & Murray Hunter University Malaysia Perlis

    Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Searching for an end game in the Korean Crisis - Murray Hunter

    Turks suspicious towards German Government - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

    The high Australian Dollar: Whose interests is the Reserve Bank of Australia looking after? - Murray Hunter

    Is Secretary Kerry's trip to China a "face saving" measure? - Murray Hunter

    Asia-Pacific at the Crossroads - The Implications for Australian Strategic Defense Policy - Murray Hunter

    Obama's Korean Peninsula "Game" Strategy seeks to achieve a wide range of objectives in his "Asian Pivot" - Murray Hunter

    Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN

    Who rules Singapore? - The only true mercantile state in the world - Murray Hunter

    The Thai Deep South: Both Malaysia and Thailand Desperately Seeking Success - Murray Hunter

    The desperate plight of Islamic education in Southern Thailand - Murray Hunte

    Who makes public policy in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

    MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Australia's National Security Paper: Did it amount to lost opportunities? The policy you have when you don't have a policy - Murray Hunter

    Are "B" Schools in Developing Countries infatuated with 'Western' Management ideas? - Murray Hunter

    The Stages of Economic Development from an Opportunity Perspective: Rostow Extended - Murray Hunter

   
Who Really Rules Australia?: A tragic tale of the Australian People - Murray Hunter

    Europe: Something Old, Something New, Something Borrowed, and Something Blue - Murray Hunter

    Back to the future: Australia's "Pacific Solution" reprise - Murray Hunter

    Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter


   
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter

   
FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan

   
Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter

    Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter

    Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter

    What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević

   
ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter

    From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter

    Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter

    Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter

    Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter

    The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis

    Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter

    The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter

    How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter

    On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter

    Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter

    Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter

   
Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization. - Murray Hunter

    What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter

    Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunter

     People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter

     How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter

     How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter

     Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter

     The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter

     Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter

     How motivation really works - Murray Hunter

     The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter

     Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter

     Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter

     Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter

    
The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter

     Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter

     Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter

  
  Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities - Murray Hunter

     The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies - Murray Hunter

    
There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially - Murray Hunter

     Go Home, Occupy Movement!!-(The McFB– Was Ist Das?) - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

     Diplomatie préventive - Aucun siècle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

    
Democide Mass-Murder and the New World Order - Paul Adams


 






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BALKAN AREA
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prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic


 
MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Go Home, Occupy Movement!! - (The McFB – Was Ist Das?) -
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Diplomatie préventive - Aucun sičcle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic\/span|



ADDENDUM – GREEN/POLICY PAPER: TOWARDS THE CREATION OF THE OSCE TASK FORCE ON (THE FUTURE OF) HUMAN CAPITAL
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Gunboat Diplomacy in the South China Sea – Chinese strategic mistake -
Anis H. Bajrektarevic




Geopolitics of Quantum Buddhism: Our Pre-Hydrocarbon Tao Future
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




The Mexico-held G–20 voices its concerns over the situation in the EURO zone - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević







Maasmechelen Village


‘The exhaustion of Greek political system and a society in flames’ - by Dimitra Karantzen










Maasmechelen Village


FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan



Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN



Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic







MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Le MENA Saga et Lady Gaga - (Même dilemme de la région MOAN) - Anis Bajrektarevic




Eva MAURINA
20 Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty - Eva MAURINA




Aleš Debeljak
In Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak

ALEŠ DEBELJAK - ABECEDA DJETINJSTVA

ALEŠ DEBEJAK - INTERVJU; PROSVJEDI, POEZIJA, DRŽAVA


Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]
HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]



Carla BAUMER
Climate Change and Re Insurance: The Human Security Issue SC-SEA Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic & Carla Baumer



 
Igor Dirgantara
(Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)




Peny Sotiropoulou

Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism?




Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems

Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella




Alisa Fazleeva earned an MA in International Relations from the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.



 
Corinna Metz is an independent researcher specialized in International Politics and Peace & Conflict Studies with a regional focus on the Balkans and the Middle East.




Patricia Galves Derolle
Founder of Internacionalista
São Paulo, Brazil
Brazil – New Age




Dimitra Karantzeni
The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks?