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Ing. Salih CAVKIC
orbus editor in chief
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The man of the year

Guy Verhofstadt
Mr. Guy Verhofstadt

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2009


A proven Democrat, protector and fighter for justice and human rights in the World.

Een bewezen Democraat, beschermer en strijder voor rechtvaardigheid en mensenrechten in de Wereld.

Un prouvé démocrate, protecteur et combattant pour la justice et des droits de l'homme dans le Mond.

Eine bewährte Demokrat, Beschützer und Kämpfer für Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte in der Welt.

Dokazani demokrat,
 zaštitnik i borac za pravdu i ljudska prava u Svijetu.




The man of the year

Guarantee
Peace in the World


Mr. Barak Hossein Obama

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2012


Guarantee
peace in the world

Garantie
vrede in de wereld

Garantie
la paix dans le monde

Garantie des Friedens in der Welt

Zabezpečenie
mieru vo svete

Garancija
mira u svijetu





Murray Hunter
University Malaysia Perlis



Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities.
Murray Hunter




The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies
Murray Hunter




There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially
Murray Hunter




Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter



Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter



The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter



Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter



Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter



Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter



   The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter



How motivation really works - Murray Hunter



Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter



 The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter



Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter



  How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter



How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter



People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter



One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunte


   
Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter



   Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization - Murray Hunter



Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter



Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter



On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter



How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter



The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter



Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter



The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis



 Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter



Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter



Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter



From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter




ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter



Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter



Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter



Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter



Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter


 
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter



Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter



 



Vietnamese Australians’ Community: Realities and Prospect

By Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assoc. Prof.[1]

Abstract

The Vietnamese arrival and integration into Australia represents a quintessential case of cultures in collision. In 1975
there were only about 1,000 people born in Vietnam living in Australia. Over nearly the next forty years the community grew to over two hundred and fifty thousand members. Before 1975 Vietnam and Australia barely knew each other – except through the prism of the American War. By 2012 the Second and even the Third Generations were a significant part of Australian political, economic and cultural life.   The Vietnamese were used as the trigger for the end of the bi-partisanship on multiculturalism at the end of the 1970s, were implicated in the rising paranoia about unsafe cities in the 1980s, and centrally embroiled in the emergence of a politics of race in the 1990s. The article will analyze the Vietnamese Australians’ contribution to Commonwealth of Australia and Vietnam in terms of economic development, multiracial and multicultural society as well as contribution to promotion of the comprehensive partnership relationship between Vietnam and Australia at present. The article will analyze current problems of the Vietnamese Australian Community and suggest measures to overcome these problems. The article will also forecast the prospect of Vietnamese Australian Community in Australia in the future and propose some suggestions to improve the role as well as status of Vietnamese Australians in Australia and Vietnam.



Introduction

A Vietnamese Australian is an Australian, either born in Vietnam  or having Vietnamese ancestors. These people make up the community of Vietnamese Australians and contribute significantly to both the Australian and Vietnamese economies as well as the comprehensive partnership relationship between the two countries. The circumstance behind the establishment of this community, however, was anything but without incidents.

In 1975 Vietnam was liberated from the US-backed Saigon regime. The new united Vietnam, christened the Socialist Republic of Vietnam was then established. Since then, particularly between 1975 and 1990, many people who worked for the South Vietnam government left Vietnam to reside abroad, including in Australia. According to the 1991 National Census, there were 124,800 people born in Vietnam residing in Australia and in 2001 there were 154,000. In 2011 this figure rose to 185,000. In the same year there were 219,000 people who spoke Vietnamese at home.[2]


The greatest proportion of Vietnamese Australians lives in Sydney (with strong vibrant communities in Sydney’s west and south west) and Melbourne although many of the second generation now live throughout Australia. The social mix of the refugees included people from all professions and walks of life in Vietnam which is reflected in today’s Vietnamese Australian communities. Mahayana Buddhism is the main religion of the community, followed by Christianity both Catholic and Protestant. The main festivals observed by Vietnamese Australians include Tet Nguyen Dan, the Lunar (or Chinese) New Year, and Tet Trung Thu (the Mid-Autumn Festival).

The article will analyze the Vietnamese Australians’ contribution to the Commonwealth of Australia and Vietnam in terms of economic development, the forging of a multiracial and multicultural society as well as the promotion of the comprehensive partnership relationship between Vietnam and Australia. The article will analyze the current problems of the Vietnamese Australian Community and suggest measures to overcome these problems. The article will also forecast the prospect of Vietnamese Australian Community in Australia in the future and propose some suggestions to improve the role and status of Vietnamese Australians in both Australia and Vietnam.


1. Australia and Her Immigration Policy Towards Asian Refugees

            Being a unique country created in a unique historical background, the nature of Australian nationalism and nation building has been considerably debated.

            Australia was a colonial society generated in the period of the great imperialist competitions of the nineteenth century, having then accepted modern nationhood while still responding to the imperial imperatives of Great Britain. This colonial past has resulted in two unresolved consequences: The first of these imperatives remains the effective subjugation of the original nations, and their incorporation into each of the three subsystems. Much of contemporary debate about Indigenous issues reflects the “unfinished business” – both for the empire project and the people subject to it. The second imperative is the defence of the original imperial peoples against competing external empires (understood as cultural systems rather than militarily driven state invasions). They are both different faces of the Australian empire project: (i) the successful imposition in a new land of a cultural, political and economic system; (ii) and that system privileges and secures the interests of the colonizing peoples. The strategy has been presented as multiculturalism (since about 1975) and has sought to suppress the racial nature of Australian nationhood, through assertions of commitments to modern values of equality in cultural relations, and capacity to contribute to economic development in immigration policies.[3]

            By 1966 under the Prime Minister Holt Edward (Liberal), Australia had signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Educated, English-speaking Asians were being accepted – reflecting the idea of orientation to modernity as the organizing principle around which race could be reduced as a criterion of population selection. A modernizing nation would accept modernized populations, as they were expected to share values of democracy and economic productivity, and be bearers of significant stores of human capital (created by the investment by their states of origin). The new ALP government in 1973 withdrew all racial references in the Immigration Act, expecting that the modernity model of non-White immigration would continue as the norm. Indeed, a central ideological tenet of global modernity was created for this purpose, the concept of multiculturalism and its programmatic implementation.


            Initially the Australian government under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam[4] was reluctant to get involved with the inflow of Asian refugees in spite of the aforementioned convention. Yet the arrival of the fishing boat KG4435 at a wharf in Darwin in April 1976 during the next government led by Malcolm Fraser meant that there had to be actions to take. The boat was the first sign of what had been happening throughout Southeast Asia, and soon it became a problem faced by every Australian government thereafter.


            Fraser’s government's solution was to broker a deal with the Asian countries of first refuge. The goal was twofold: To take the refugee problem off public attention, yet at the same time manage their arrival so as not to interfere with the Australian national interest and integrity. The government proposed that if the countries would no longer refuel the boats and send them towards the undefended north Australian coHowever, the Australian government would choose those refugees it wanted in relation to their ‘fit’ with Australian priorities – thus attempting to sustain the modernity framework for population intake (and, in the process, minimize those with disabilities etc. who might be a long term cost to Australia).  This became, more or less, a framework for later governments in dealing with refugee issues that persists until today.

           Once the first wave of refugees had been contained and a system found to process them, Australia sought ways to manage the continuing pressures. This period is marked by two contradicting views of the two Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and John Howard. Prime Minister Bob Hawke argued that if the outsiders (refugees) are seen as strengthening the depth of the cultural resources of the community, the level of perceived threat to Australia is reduced. Criminal deviance can then be seen as a minority activity, requiring normal social control strategies, rather than reflecting the essential differences between communities, or defining the core of the culture of the “Others”. On the contrary, in the late 1980s, John Howard as an opposition leader considered the outsiders as a threat to social cohesion.

This duality, at its root, represents the real issue with white (or previously settled) Australian's view on Vietnamese refugees and the subsequent community. Given the insecurities and prejudice deeply rooted in history, how the “existing population” views the “newcomers” will play an important role in defining how well they would fit into the new society and their social roles in the years thereafter.


            As social cohesion and the formation of a modern, internally consistent and stable Australia began to be called into question, the position of the Vietnamese community once again was the target of much debate. The gist of the modern Australian Empire Project is the creation of an Australia that can compete with nations in the world on equal footing while maintaining an advanced, progressive, democratic and developed society at home. To this goal, social cohesion is key element. Previously, ever since the arrival of the Vietnamese refugee community as a full-fledged ethnic group, there have been many arguments to and for multiculturalism and their role in promoting or undermining the Australian internal solidarity and social cohesion. At that time, these arguments were based more on cultural and social grounds than economic.

The argument involving social cohesion was extended to economic grounds in the wake of the proposal from Monash University’s Centre for Population and Urban Research. It stated that the Vietnamese were forming part of an emerging structural underclass. As it happened, the Vietnamese community in Sydney, whose composition consisted of a large portion of ‘recent migrants who lack the skills to compete in the contemporary labour market’ was found to be contributing to the sedimentation of poverty. The polarization of income groups had accelerated from 1976 to 1991, and intensified over the next five years. This period paralleled the rise in Vietnamese immigration; the impact of this polarization was most evident amongst the Vietnamese, and by implication may indeed have been a consequence of their presence.

In sum, in that quarter century, a generation, a social revolution had occurred in Australia: from a society with White Australia as a recent and avowedly racist population selection policy, to an egalitarian policy now avowedly non-racist; from a society in which Asian faces were still extraordinary, to one where visible diversity is everywhere; and from a society with little sense of non-European cultures and traditions, to one where every Buddha’s birthday has senior politicians lining up to be seen at Vietnamese temples.



2. Immigration Reality from Vietnam to Australia

The community of Vietnamese Australians was established by refugees from the war in Vietnam and was the first large group of Asian immigrants to settle in Australia after the end of the White Australia policy in 1973. The migration of Vietnamese to Australia, which has occurred mostly during the last 40 years, has two distinct phases: (i) before Vietnam’s renovation policy with assisting orphans pre-1975 and refugee resettlement during 1975–1985; (ii) and after renovation policy with purpose of family reunions, since the late 80s.


2.1. Immigration from Vietnam to Australia Before Renovation Policy

From 1958, Vietnamese students started to arrive in Australia to study at universities under the Colombo Plan. Almost all of these students returned to Vietnam after finishing their courses. Meanwhile, Australia committed combat troops to the Vietnam War in 1965. Later, many of these troops and other Australians married Vietnamese people and brought them back to Australia. Additionally, as a result of war there were over 800,000 orphans in South Vietnam alone. Australian families adopted 537 Vietnamese orphaned babies and infants between 1972 and 1975. This was the beginning of the first wave of permanent Vietnamese migration to Australia. In 1975 there were only about 1,000 people born in Vietnam living in Australia consisting of 335 Colombo Plan students; 130 private Vietnamese students; and over 500 orphans adopted by Australian families.

After the fall of Saigon Regime in 1975, Australia, being a signatory to the “Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees” agreed to resettle its share of Vietnam-born refugees under a refugee resettlement plan between 1975 and 1985. In reality, Australia accepted Vietnam War refugees and arrivals of Vietnamese people increased rapidly. Once Prime Minister Fraser (from 11 November 1975 to 11 March 1983) had committed to taking the Vietnamese refugees, he was able to call on a shared liberal value set among his supporters in the Coalition, and the various spokespeople for the ALP Opposition, to fuse a solid wall of commitment to multiculturalism as the state ideology of inter-communal relations. Under this approach there was little argument about the Vietnamese policy at the level of parliamentary debate – other than to stress the need for services and the pressures to which government should respond.

The resettlement of Vietnamese refugees did not happen without incidents. As refugees supported by the Australian government of the time, they were largely resettled in localities around the large migration centers. This is to say places like Cabramatta and Fairfield (Sydney), where already a relatively large population of previous immigrants – Yugoslavs, Italians, Russians, among others – existed. Unlike other postwar refugee communities, however, the Vietnamese community tended not to disperse from their initial place of settlement. As a result, they became a significant, condensed ethnic group in these localities, a fact that would fuel contention and public fallout for years to come.

Of these Vietnamese refugees, who arrived in the immediate post-war period, four main groups can be identified with different but in some cases overlapping arrival times: (i) the first group, arriving in 1975 was mostly elite Vietnamese, Chinese businessmen and Catholics. This group happened right before and after the liberation of South Vietnam; (ii) the second group arriving in 1976–78 was a gradually increasing outflow of refugees from camps outside Vietnam. In 1976 the first boat KG4435 arrived in Australia carrying refugees who had by-passed formal immigration procedures . Desperate to find a new home, they were accepted as immigrants on humanitarian grounds (see Table 1). Within three years a further 53 refugee boats had arrived; (iii) the third group, arriving in 1978, were mostly owners of private businesses, especially Chinese. Many of the boats that began to arrive in Australia had been refueled in Malaysia and then sent on their way. In addition, many of these refugees were not in fact boat people – but rather people being processed through refugee camps; (iv) The fourth group were so called ‘economic refugees’, mostly small traders, rural and urban workers and the unemployed. These left Vietnam during the socio-economic turmoil of the 1980s searching for a better life elsewhere and for the most parts weren't fueled by political reasons.



Table 1: Vietnamese Population in Australia, 1976-2001


Census Year

Born in Vietnam

% change

The second generation

Speak Vietnamese

% change

% Australia- born speaking Vietnamese

1976

2,427

 

 

 

 

 

1981

41,096

 

 

n/a

 

 

1986

83,028

100

 

n/a

 

 

1991

121,813

50

25,151

110,817

 

16

1996

150,941

25

46,756

146,265

30

26

2001

154,831

3

n/a

174,236

20

n/a

Source: Andrew Jakubowicz, A Quintessential Collision:  Vietnamese in Australia after a generation of settlement and adaptation, University of Technology Sydney, May 2004.

After the initial intake of refugees in the late 1970s, there was a second immigration peak in 1983-84, most likely a result of the 1982 agreement between the Australian and Vietnamese governments on the Orderly Departure Program (ODP), which allowed relatives of Vietnamese Australians to leave Vietnam and migrate to Australia. This means that ODP emphasized family reunion, and two-thirds of arrivals over the next few years were women. Then the first immigrants from Vietnam under this program arrived in Australia in 1982. Within a few years the Vietnam-born population of Australia would again double. A third immigration peak in the late 1980s seems to have been mainly due to Australia's family reunion scheme. At the 1981 census, there were 41,096 people born in Vietnamese in Australia, a very large increase from the 1976 level (see Table 1).


2.2 Vietnamese Immigration to Australia Since Renovation Policy (1986)

In 1986 the Vietnamese government committed to the Doi Moi (renovation) Policy, liberalizing the market and undertaking structural reforms needed to modernize the economy and produce more competitive, export-driven industries. The July 1989 International Conference adopted a Comprehensive Plan of Action that would have the effect of reducing the acceptance rate, increasing delays, and leaving about 40,000 rejected applicants in camps who refused to go back to Vietnam. In the wake of this situation the boats began to arrive again, with about 2,000 Indochinese arriving between 1989 and 1995, though the Vietnamese were few in numbers. The situation they faced had changed dramatically from what was before. These arrivals were now detained in camps in remote parts of Australia, facing arduous checks on their bona fides. When a couple walked out of one camp in 1992, security was intensified, based on a supposition that all unauthorized arrivals might seek to escape from lawful custody. All unauthorized arrivals, therefore and thereon, had to be interned under high security.

However, from the late 1980s Australia's family reunion program was officially applied, called the ‘Vietnamese Family Migration Program’ (VFMP). Over 90,000 refugees were processed and entered Australia during this time. By the 1990s, the number of Vietnam-born migrating to Australia had surpassed the number entering as refugees. Between 1991 and 1993, the percentage of Vietnam-born migrants had reached 77% of the total intake of Vietnam-born arriving in Australia. By 1996 Vietnamese immigration had effectively ceased – tough new rules on family reunion made by the Howard government (from 11 March 1996) meant that there was a net increases of less than 4,000 over the 1996-2001 census period. Meanwhile the community was reflecting many of the characteristics of a mature group: for instance, by 2001 over one in four Vietnamese speakers was Australian born, while in 1996, 86% of Vietnamese had adopted Australian citizenship; and by 2000, the percentage of Vietnam-born migrants had climbed to 98%. In 2001-2002, 1,919 Vietnam-born migrants and 44 humanitarian entrants settled in Australia (see Figure 1).

In the 2001 census, the 155,000 people of Vietnamese ancestry were first or second generation Australians; first generation Australians of Vietnamese ancestry outnumbered second generation Australians with Vietnamese ancestry (74%: 26%). Relatively few people of Vietnamese ancestry stated another ancestry (6%). Among the leading ancestries, the proportion of people who spoke a language other than English at home was highest for those of Vietnamese (96%). At the 2006 census, 173,663 Australian residents declared themselves to be of Vietnamese ancestry.



Figure 1: Number of permanent settlers arriving in Australia from Vietnam since 1991 (monthly)

  
Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra 2012

In more recent years the vast majority of Vietnamese migrants have come to Australia through the Family Stream although there are growing numbers of skilled migrants. Permanent migration refers to the number of visas granted in any given year, without taking into account whether the visa recipient actually arrived and settled in Australia. In 2012-13, 30% of permanent visas granted to Vietnamese nationals were skilled visas, up from 17 per cent in 2009–10. A total of 5,339 Vietnamese nationals were granted a permanent visa through Australia’s Migration Programme in 2012–13, with the Family Stream accounting for 70% of visas granted. Of permanent migration, skilled migration focuses on facilitating the permanent entry of those who can make a positive contribution to Australia through their skills, qualifications, entrepreneurial spirit and employment potential. In 2012–13: (i) among the 128 & 973 skilled visas were granted, Vietnamese nationals accounted for 1.2% (1,592 grants) of the total. Compared to 2011–12, skilled visas granted to Vietnamese nationals rose by 49%. This represented an overall rise of 136% since 2009−10 and the highest on the record.  Much of this recent growth can be explained by a large increase in Employer Sponsorship, from 392 grants in 2011–12 to 898 grants in 2012−13, a 129% increase; (ii) Skilled visas granted to Vietnamese nationals accounted for nearly one-third (30%) of all permanent visas granted. While this share is low compared to most other countries it has increased from a share of 17% in 2009−10. Vietnam moved back to 15th position as source of skilled migrants in 2012–13 after falling to 19th in 2011−12; (iii) Points Tested Skilled Migration accounted for 34% of all skilled visas issued to Vietnamese nationals. Accountants, cooks and software and applications programmers were among the main occupations for new Points Tested Skilled Migration visa holders.

In addition, family migration facilitates the entry of close family members of Australian citizens, permanent residents and eligible New Zealand citizens. The programme is currently dominated by partners and dependent children, but also provides options for other family members, such as Carers, Parents and Aged Dependent Relatives. In 2012–13: (i) 60 cases of 185 family visas were granted, with grants to Vietnamese nationals accounting for 6.2% (3,716 grants) of the total. This made Vietnam the fifth largest provider of Family migrants to Australia; (ii) permanent family visas granted through the Migration Programme were 2.7% higher, but for Vietnamese nationals they were only increased by 0.8%: (iii) the Family Stream accounted for 7 in 10 permanent visas granted to Vietnamese Nationals - 73% of visas granted in this stream were to partners of an Australian resident.


Permanent additions are the sum of those granted a permanent residency visa while in Australia and those granted a visa through an Australian mission abroad, who has entered Australia during the respective reporting period. In 2012–13, there were 5,940 Vietnam-born permanent additions to the Australian resident population. Among these new additions there are: (i) Skill Stream comprising 750 skilled migrants and 784 accompanying family members and accounted for 26% of all permanent additions; (ii) Family Stream, made up of 4087 migrants and accounted for 69% of all permanent additions; (iii) Non-programme Vietnamese-born New Zealand citizens account for 2.9% of all permanent additions (se Figure 1).


Apart form that, he subclass 457 visa programme allows Australian employers to sponsor foreign workers for employment in management, professional, technical and skilled trades’ positions. The programme is demand-driven and highly responsive to Australian labour market conditions. In 2012–13 demand for this visa remained high and increased from 125,070 in 2011–12 to 126,350 – an 86% rise since 2009–10: (i) In 2012–13, 1310 subclass 457 visas were granted to Vietnamese nationals – 115% higher than 2011–12 and 245% higher than the number granted in 2009–10; (ii) Among the Vietnamese workers sponsored under this programme, café and restaurant managers, accountants and cooks were the main occupation for which Australian employers recruited from abroad.


By the end of 2013, there were 215,000 people born in Vietnam were resident in Australia and over 250,000 people speaking Vietnamese at home. This is equivalent to 3.5% of Australia’s overseas-born population . There may additionally be persons of Vietnamese descent born in Australia, or of arguably non-Vietnamese ancestries (such as Cantonese) born in Vietnam. About 0.9% of the Australian resident population was born in Vietnam. Today the Vietnam-born represent the fifth largest migrant community in Australia behind the United Kingdom (mainly from England and Scotland), New Zealand, China, and Italy, and after the United States of America, Australia is the second most common destination for Vietnamese migrants.

2.3 The Advantages and Disadvantages of Vietnamese Australian Community

Vietnamese Australians vary in income and social class levels. Vietnam-born Australians are highly represented in Australian universities and many professions (particularly as information technology workers, engineers, doctors and pharmacists), while other members in the community are subject to high unemployment rates.

As the Vietnamese presence continued to grow (no longer primarily refugees but ODP immigrants), the normalizing of the population change process intensified local antagonisms. The popular press made much of what was seen as an emerging crime problem, though in 1987, it was found that the situation was much less fearsome than the public discourse might suggest.

For instance, Vietnamese minors were 50% less likely to offend than the community norm; unaccompanied minors were even less likely to offend; while the rate was rising it was still very much lower than the community norm. Vietnamese had a much lower violent crime rate: drug offences in 1987 were 75% of the norm; and the suburbs in which the Vietnamese were concentrated had less crime than before their arrival.

Even so, youth crime became the trope through which the fears about social cohesion were voiced. However, since 2000, the vast majority of Vietnamese migrants to Australia came through the Family Stream (although there have been growing numbers of skilled migrants). The income of this group is more than the average rate of the Vietnamese Australian community.

Over three-quarters of people born in Vietnam live in New South Wales (39%) and Victoria (37%) (see Table 2). In Melbourne the suburbs of Richmond, Footscray, Springvale, Sunshine and St Albans have a significant proportion of Vietnamese-Australians,

while in Sydney they are concentrated in Bankstown, Cabramatta, Canley Vale and Fairfield. Other places of significant Vietnamese presence include Brisbane, where many have settled in suburbs like Darra and Inala. For most of the decade after 1986, the focus was on the Vietnamese communities of Sydney and Melbourne.


Table 2: National geographical distribution, by Vietnamese-born and Vietnamese nationals (%)
 


National geographic distribution

NSW

Vic.

Qld

SA

WA

Tas

NT

ACT

Proportion of all persons counted in the Census, 2011

30

25

20

7

10

2

1

2

Proportion of all Vietnamese-born counted in the Census, 2011

39

37

9

6

7

0

0

2

Geographical distribution, permanent additions, 2012−13

 

Skill Stream (primary)

23

27

27

10

10

0

1

2

Skill Stream (dependent)

17

19

42

11

8

0

1

1

Geographical distribution, temporary entrants, 2012−13

 

International students

30

45

10

5

6

0

0

2

Temporary Work (Skilled) (subclass 457) visa (primary)

39

20

18

4

16

0

1

3

Permanent departure

 

All Vietnamese-born permanent resident

57

21

8

2

9

0

1

2

Source: Information on migrants has come from internal data collected by the Department of Immigration and Border Protection. Information on the geographical distribution of the total population was sourced from the 2011 Census of Population and Housing.

Of particular note, Vietnamese Australians have an exceptionally low rate of return migration to Vietnam. In December 2001, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) estimated that there were 3,950 Australian citizens resident in Vietnam. It is not clear what proportion of this number are returned emigrants with Australian citizenship or their Vietnamese Australian children, and what number are simply other Australians in Vietnam for business or other reasons. The greater proportion (3,000) was recorded in the south of the country. What this means, among others, is that the community of Vietnamese Australians is relatively stable – they have come to stay for the rest of their lives.


3. Vietnamese Australian Community’s Contribution to Commonwealth of Australia and Vietnam

3.1. Role of the Vietnamese Australians to Economic Development and Multiracial Society of Australia

Today over 250.000 Australians are Vietnam-born, a mix of Viet and Chinese ethnicities, of which 25% are white collar professionals, whilst 28% work in transport, production and laboring. They enjoy strong community networks, and make a distinctive cultural contribution to Australian life and commerce. Features of Australia’s Vietnamese-born migrants are as follows: (i) The median age of 42.8 years was 5.5 years above that of the general Australian population; (ii) Females slightly outnumbered males - 53% compared with 47%; (iii) In August 2013, their labour force participation rate of 61% was slightly below the national average of around 65%; (iv) The unemployment rate at August 2013 was 7.8% - this is higher than average and above the national rate of 5.8%; (v) In August 2013, 107 000 Vietnam-born people were working in Australia. Their main occupations were labourers (19%), technicians and trade workers (15%) and professionals (14%).


The arrival of the Vietnamese refugees and the culture clash and social paranoia that ensued as a result thereof was an unfortunate, yet natural, course when two wildly differing peoples made contact so suddenly, as has been examined in the above section. Yet more fascinating still is the growth of said community between the first arrival and present day. From 1975 until now, the Vietnamese community in Australia grew from near-nonexistence to a 250 thousand-strong ethnic minority. With this growth came an accompanying identity, which, in and of itself, contributed in many ways to the socio-political scene of the host country.


As a result, by 2012 the second generation was a significant part of Australian political, economic and cultural life. Today there are Vietnamese newspapers, a community literary and cultural website as well as radio stations and regular SBS television programs. Vietnamese community organizations thrive and are involved in community development, advocacy and social work. Community members play an increasing role in local government as well as representation in the Upper Houses of Australian states. Vietnamese Australians are also well represented in the arts and the professions.


A far larger portion of Vietnamese are less successful, but do contribute to Australian society in their own ways. Many Vietnamese set up their own businesses, often working hard to put their children through school and university. Vietnamese small businesses gradually transformed streetscapes in suburbs like Richmond and Springvale into vibrant, restaurant and retail centers. Those who participate in these works do so mostly for survival. They have a long history of being overworked and underpaid until the Australian social activist community began to take action supporting their interest. The result of these social movements is doubtful at best: The report found large numbers of Vietnamese workers still working for low pay, often being defrauded and suffering from exhaustion. 27


For whatever motives, the contribution was made: their income was vital to the family, and the work often involved all the family. Thus, Vietnamese workers and their families have played a crucial part in the survival of many industries, particularly the Australian clothing one, literally sacrificing themselves in the work (suffering repetition and other injuries) so that their children can stay at high school, and successfully go on to university. The mentality behind this act of apparent sacrifice will be discussed in the following section. 


All these achievements stand testimony to the fact that the Vietnamese Australian community has gone a long way by any standards. There are a number of factors affecting this interaction process as follows:  

            First, there is the political climate of the time. It was a stormy ride for the fledgling community since day one: They have constantly been used, positively or otherwise, in such political movements and upheavals as  the real end of White Australia in the late 1970s. In the early 1980s  their presence was again used as evidence in support of the abandonment of bi-partisanship on multiculturalism. In the following decade the community was centrally embroiled in the emergence of a politics of race in the 1990s, providing case studies for the vehement demagoguery of the One Nation party and their allies, while also providing widespread support for Australia’s first significant antiracist political party, Unity.


To this end, the Vietnamese Community in Australia has contributed to and revealed the deep instability of the Australian empire project, yet has also highlighted its resilience and capacity to adapt to and incorporate potential threats. Whether or not these incidents were for the better or worse of the Vietnamese Australian community, they have found themselves unwittingly at the eye of the storm of change in the Australian political thoughts of the era.


            Second, it is the coincidental affinity of the Vietnamese culture with the pro-education, meritocratic environment of modern Australia. The Vietnamese culture considers education and successes in studies, one of the greatest values to be had. Within both Buddhist and Catholic Vietnamese communities, there is an assertion of the value of education, and a belief in the potential for individuals to realize their aspirations through education. Such a belief was rooted deeply in the history of the country, since the time of the Vietnamese Imperial exams, the last of which was still held towards the end of the Nguyen Dynasty. In an Australian environment that encourages educational participation, in which a globally focused modernity permeates elite and middle class cultures, meritocratic rules of selection compete with racist structures of exclusion. The Vietnamese dedication to academic excellence, hence, has found an excellent thriving ground. It was no surprising that a significant part of the Vietnamese community makes it through these hurdles – although a marginalized minority fails to do so. This also explains the degree of sacrifice Vietnamese Australian parents have been undertaking for the education of their children, as touched upon above.


            Third, globalization of intellectual elites, proliferation of modern ideas of self-actualization brought into existence by the aforementioned high levels of education and meritocracy. This seems to manifest in the drive for self-actualization and the search for a new identity for themselves among Vietnamese Australian of the second-generation and beyond. Nowhere is this seen more clearly than during the Viet Pop exhibition (mobilized by community arts worker Cuong Le) – the text panel concludes with the words “the search for identity” is what young Vietnamese Australians are.


            Fourth Drawing on Victorian police reports, Vietnamese-born offenders processed for all crimes increased by nearly 40% from 1993 to 1997 – compared with a state rise of about 2%. Violent crime fell from about 350 offenders to 200, while drug offences rose from 220 to 1000. Apart from that, a Commonwealth Parliamentary inquiry in 1995 into Asian Organized Crime made particular reference to the Vietnamese involvement in crime. In a detailed summary they identified a range of claims by police and law enforcement bodies across Australia, indicating that Vietnamese gangs were involved in heroin importation, sales and distribution, extortion, and home invasions. The concerns about the gangs in the Vietnamese community were widely held, and fuelled the growing antipathy to the community.


            This factor cannot and should not be taken out of context of the political difficulties mentioned above. The political turmoil and rejections as well as the failure to cope with the Australian environment has played a vital part in impoverizing and driving to crime a part of the Vietnamese Australian youth. They experience the strains too dramatically, and in their anomic reactions find alternative pathways to seeking (usually not successfully) economic success – often through crime as has typically occurred in other societies for newer immigrant groups, and in the past in Australia.


              Therefore, it is not surprising that the Vietnamese have drawn a fair amount of attention from social scientists and scholars interested in the ways in which cultural interaction, adaptation and change occur. They were refugees from a colonial society escaping the aftermath of civil war, and entered a society that had been a protagonist on one side of that war. Many in the host society had hoped the war had been fought so that the population of Vietnam would stay in their own country, while others had supported the forces that won the war and triggered the exodus.



3.2 Role of the Vietnamese Australians to Economic Development of Vietnam and Promotion of Comprehensive Partnership Relationship between Vietnam and Australia

                Economic opportunity is a huge driver for emigration (particularly among the educated). For this reason some 27.1% of Vietnam’s tertiary-educated population live abroad. Despite solid and continuing growth in Vietnam, economic development throughout the country is uneven and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is comparatively very low. This provides high incentives for Vietnamese nationals to leave in the hope of better economic prospects in countries like Australia, where on a purchasing power parity basis GDP per capita is more than 10 times higher (see Table 3).



Table 3


Indicator

Australia

Vietnam

Adult literacy (%)

99.0

93.2

Fertility rates (children per female)

1.9

1.8

GDP per capita PPP (US$)

44,074

3,750

Life expectancy at birth (years)

82.0

75.4

Mean years of schooling

12.0

5.5

[34]

0.938

0.617

Median age (years)

36.9

28.2

Population (millions)

22.9

89.7

Population growth (%)

1.8

1.1

Source: Most data in this table comes from the UNDP Human Development Report 2013, the CIA World Fact book and, the International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database April 2013. Data on the size, growth and median age of Australia’s population was sourced from the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

The Vietnamese Australian community, in that backdrop, is in a unique position to impact on the economic development in Vietnam. Equally uniquely are they qualified in aiding the comprehensive partnership relationship between Vietnam and Australia. They have many means at their disposal to these ends:


Firstly, they are a significant economic driver, expressed through such channels as remittances, business and investment. There are many commercial centres of Vietnamese throughout Australia. Most notable is the contribution of the Vietnamese Australian Community’s Entrepreneur Association, established with the support of Vietnam’s Embassy in Australia. This Association with more than 200 members was inaugurated on 3
rd July 2010 to support and assist the Vietnamese Australian community’s entrepreneurs in undertaking business opportunities in Australia and Vietnam as well as other countries in the world. They have been making a positive contribution to the promotion of trade between the two countries as well as the supporting of the Vietnamese Australian business community.

With their economic capacity, the Vietnamese Australian business people have been increasingly investing into Vietnam. This has proven to be a growing source of remittances. According to World Bank data, remittances into Vietnam were US$9 billion in 2011, around seven times greater than in 2000 and equivalent to eight per cent of Vietnam’s GDP, making Vietnam one of the top ten remittance recipients. Remittances of the Vietnamese Australian community accounted for about 25% of total remittances of overseas Vietnamese all over the world. On average, remittances from Australia increase by 10 – 15% per year, contributing to stabilizing Vietnam's international balance of payment as well as socio-economic development. In previous period, remittances were mainly for helping families and relatives, but now this money is also used for business and/or macroeconomic purposes: investments in industries, contributions to poverty reduction and elimination, job creation and local welfare guarantee.


Secondly, the Vietnamese Australian community possesses many young, dynamic intellectuals with a lot of financial potentials, business and management experiences as well as high educated knowledge who have integrated into Australian societies. Through their skills and integrity they have acquired and held many political and economic positions in Australia and highly respected by many. Mr. Hieu Van Le, Governor of South Australia State, Chairman of the South Australian Multicultural and Ethnic Affairs Commission is one exemplary person.


Thirdly, the Vietnamese Australians have become the important bridge to help Vietnam expand bilateral relationship between Vietnam and Australia. With their influences to various Australian authorities, the Vietnamese Australians can promote economic, trade and political relations between Vietnam and Australia, and mobilize Australian support in international forums. This can be considered a crucial factor contributing to the Vietnamese implementation of her expanded foreign policies: diversified and multilateral foreign relations policies, so as to contributing to national building and defence. Moreover, the Vietnamese Australians have the unique advantage of living and working in Australia and tend to have close ties with other countries and peoples as a result of this. Therefore, they are a real force to diffuse, popularize and broadcast Vietnam’s culture, image of country and people to Australia and the world through cultural festival, food and tourism promotion, exhibition and trade fairs.

Fourthly, the Vietnamese Australian Community is also instrumental in protect the country from hostile activities of the enemies. Nowadays, there are more than 100 hostile organizations and groups including many in Australia (such as Viet Tan) who used to be soldiers and officers of the South Vietnam regime. They have ever been trying to contact reactionaries inside the country to obstruct and sabotage Vietnam's socio-economic development efforts, particularly in the remote and mountainous areas. They have illegally carried out missionary works in the areas to provoke ethnic minorities into protesting against Communist Party and government of Vietnam. In recent years, they have been taking advantage of such issues as democracy, human right, and freedom of religion to organize meetings to slander and distort the policies of Vietnam government.

It should be made clear that the base of power of these subversive elements lie within a small portion of the Vietnamese Australian Community. As long as they can sway the overseas Vietnamese's opinion to their way of thinking, the Vietnamese people and government's goal of upholding national unity and integrity will be severely challenged. On the other hand, if they should fail to rally overseas Vietnamese to their cause, it will be very difficult for them to do any real and lasting damage. The cooperation of the Vietnamese Australian community, hence, plays a role that cannot be overstated in maintaining national unity. In that context, the Vietnamese Australian community has correctly explained the policies and guidelines of Government and CPV, as well as disclosed their plots and hostile activities to Australian Government and people (for example, Lawyer Tran Ba Phuc in Melbourne).
 



3.3. Solutions and Suggestions to Improve the Role of the Vietnamese Australians in Australia and Vietnam

The Vietnamese Australian Community has continuously been growing both in number and quality. In recent years, apart from the vast majority of Vietnamese migrants through the Family Stream, there have been a growing number of skilled migrants. The Vietnamese Australian community has grown to almost 250,000 people at the end of 2013, excluding the 24,000 Vietnamese students at Australian schools and universities. Of this number there have been more and more successful Vietnamese Australians in political, economic and artistic fields.

Although deeply and widely integration into the Australian economy and society, there are many issues involving the Vietnamese Australian community that needs to be addressed in order to enhance their role in both Australia and Vietnam. There are such issues as the loss of the Vietnamese cultural root among the later generations of Vietnamese Australian Community, the rate of crime – especially drug-related crimes – among the poorer Vietnamese Australians, the loss of faith in the government of Vietnam and the Communist Party of Vietnam (or worse, the development of dissident thoughts and movements). From the Vietnamese side, there are a number of solutions the Vietnamese government can undertake: (i) stimulate the second and third generations to keep learning Vietnamese as well as maintain the Vietnamese cultural traditions and identity by providing textbooks and cultural products; (ii) promote their investment in Vietnam by means of such concessions as visa exemption, residence, investment incentives, tax holidays... as much as is within reasons; (iii) mobilize and incentivize
Vietnamese Australian scientists, scholars and professors to work in Vietnam by provisions of  material incentives and preferential treatments; (iv) maintain the community's ties with the homeland by providing them with information of current situation in Vietnam as well as achievement in political and economic affairs, supporting them to organize food and cultural promotion of Vietnam in Australia; (v) closely cooperate with the Australian authorities to counter Vietnamese Australian criminal activities, especially in drugs and human trafficking; (vi) Strengthen diplomatic information service to inform Vietnamese Australian of the true picture in Vietnam and counter slanders and misinformation spread by subversive elements hostile to the Vietnamese national unity.

At the same time, with diligence, skill and brain,
the Vietnamese Australians treated fairly, supported and facilitated by Australian government to study at the universities and vocational colleges, will contribute a lot to Australia. In addition, with the dynamic development of East Asia, the Vietnamese Australians can be used by Australian Government as a cultural and economic bridge between Australia and the East Asian countries in general and between Australia and Vietnam in particular. Apart from that, with the support of both Vietnamese and Australian authorities, the establishment of Vietnamese center (town) will give rise to even greater multiculturalism of Australia. 


4. Conclusion

            For Vietnamese Australians, the strive for integration and assimilation into the greater Australian society was defining in many ways. In this long journey of more than forty years that have seen both the best and the worst in the Australian mindset, their efforts have in general paid off. In 2013 there are almost 250,000 thousand Vietnamese Australians in a community that has largely melded with the Australian society. Throughout this journey, they have made many contributions, both good and bad, for or against their own interest, to the Australian process of building a modern, democratic, non-discriminatory and civilized society.

However, this does not mean the role of policymakers should henceforth end. The contribution of Vietnamese Australians to both countries and to their relationship with each other is so significant that the community needs constant nurturing, promotion and accommodation. A strong, mature, civilized and modern Vietnamese Australian community will play a pivotal role in strengthening both Australia and Vietnam, as well as bridging the two countries whose culture and politics do not always see eye-to-eye. This paper seeks, then, to provide some assessment and suggestion for policymaking to pursue those ends. This is an endeavor that will require not only the close coordination and participation of the Vietnamese government, but also cooperation between Vietnam and Australia and the political will to commit to comprehensive joint actions.

 


C. Main Reference

1. Andrew Jakubowicz, Vietnamese in Australia: A Quintessential  Collision, University of Technology Sydney, 2004


2. Ashley Carruthers, Vietnamese Dictionary of Sydney, 2008 http://www.dictionaryofsydney.org/entry/vietnamese .

3. Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013


4. Australian Social Trends, 1994, Population Growth: Birthplaces of Australia's settlers. Australian Social Trends, 1994, . Retrieved 2008-03-14.


5. Australian Social Trends, 2003, Populationcharacteristics: Ancestry of Australia's
population. Australian Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved 2008-03-14.

6. Department of Immigration and Citizenship, http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/federation/body2.pdf.

7. Haslinda Abullah (2009), “Major Challenges to the Effective Management of Human Resource Training and Development Activities”, The Journal of International Social Research, Volume 2/8 Summer 2009.
l
8. Gibbs, Stephen (2 December 2003). "Crunch time for SBS over Vietnamese news bulletin"Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 2008-03-14.


9. International Organization of Migration (IOM), Rural Development and Migration, Hanoi 2014.


grievance redress mechanism for migrant workers, December 2013.


10. International Organization of Migration (IOM), IOM Viet Nam joins together with National Government to host workshop on grievance redress mechanism for migrant workers, Hanoi 17th December 2013.

11. International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, Washington April 2013.


12. James Jupp (ed.), 2001 The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, Its People and Their Origins Edited by, Cambridge University Press 2001

13. Nguyen Anh Tuan (ed), 2006, Chapter 7: Migration of Labor Forces in International Economic Relations (Textbook), National Political Publisher, Hanoi.


14. Tim Lambert, a Brief History of Vietnam, http://www.localhistories.org/viethist.html,

15. Philip L. Martin, 2003, Highly Skilled Labor Migration: Sharing the Benefits, Geneva: The International Institute for Labour Studies.


16. Philip Martin, 2004, Inter-economics: Policy Responses to Unauthorized or Irregular Workers, Geneva: ILO, January/February


17. Viviani, N. and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations.  1980  Australian government policy on the entry of Vietnamese refugees in 1975, Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations Griffith University.


18. Viviani, N., Lawe-Davies, J. and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations.  1980  Australian government policy on the entry of Vietnamese refugees, 1976 to 1978, Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations Griffith University.

19. Viet Ventures http://www.vietventures.com/vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
    

20. The World Fact book, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html


21. UNDP, UNDP Human Development Report 2013, the CIA World Fact book 2014.


22. Williams, J. R. and Morris, J.  1991,  Homecoming: images of Vietnam, Nambour, Qld: Homecoming Publications.


 



References:

[1] Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan is Editor-in-Chief of Journal of International Studies, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam.

[2] As many as a quarter of Vietnamese speakers in Australia are of Chinese ancestry but there is no real divide between ethnic Vietnamese and ethnic Chinese Vietnamese communities.

[3] Andrew Jakubowicz, A Quintessential Collision: Vietnamese in Australia after a generation of settlement and adaptation, University of Technology Sydney, May 2004.
[4] He used to be Army minister during the Vietnam War.

[5] For example, in conjunction with the Vietnamese government’s orderly departure program. See more in:  Viviani, N., 1980,  Australian government policy on the entry of Vietnamese refugees in 1975, Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations Griffith University.

[6]Social cohesion’ was after all a central concern of the empire project – what sort of deal needed to be struck with incomers to ensure that the social order was not destabilized? The original strategies of assimilation had faltered as they did not address the realities of communal processes of survival and the critical role of culture in human identity and social engagement.

[7] Birrell B. and Seol B.-S.,  1998, ‘Sydney’s ethnic underclass’, People and Place, Vol. (6) 3.

[8] Healy E., 1997, “1996 Census Update – Residential Concentrations of Vietnam-Born people in Melbourne and Sydney”,  People and Place, Vol. 5(3).

[9] Tran, M.V., Holton, R. J., 1991, Sadness is losing our country, happiness is knowing peace: Vietnamese social mobility in Australia, 1975-1990, Canberra: Office of Multicultural Affairs.

[10] However, that before 1975 Vietnam was not separately recorded as a country of birth for settlers so the Australian Bureau of Statistics is unable to provide an exact picture of settler intake prior to this time.

[11] Lewins F. W. and Ly J., 1985, The first wave: the settlement of Australia’s first Vietnamese refugees, Sydney: Allen & Unwin; Viviani N., 1984,  The long journey: Vietnamese migration and settlement in Australia, Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press

[12] People sailing out of Vietnam to wherever would take them; if they survived from pirates, storms and unsafe boats. Many of the boats that began to arrive in Australia had been re-fuelled in Malaysia and then sent on their way.

 [13] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 1994  : Population Growth: Birthplaces of Australia's settlers, Canberra 1995.

[14] In the 2001 census almost all people of Vietnamese ancestry were first or second generation Australians, consistent with the timing of Vietnamese immigration, which essentially began in the mid-1970s and increased over the 1980s (Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 2003: Population characteristics: Ancestry of Australia's population, Canberra 2004).

[15] In 2001, the Vietnamese language was spoken at home by 174,236 people in Australia. Vietnamese is the sixth most widely spoken language in the country after English, the Chinese languages, Italian, Greek and Arabic. See:  Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 2003: Population characteristics: Ancestry of Australia's population, Canberra 2004.

[16] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013.

[17] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Ibid.

[18] Between 1975 and 1986, almost all of the Vietnamese arrivals were refugees. This decreased to around 45 per cent between 1986 and 1991 and only 22% between 1991 and 1993. By 2000 the Vietnamese humanitarian arrivals were less than 2% of the total Vietnamese settler arrivals.

[19] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Country of Birth of Person by Sex - Australia, Canberra 2007.

[20] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013.

[21] This is partly thanks to almost Vietnamese Australians follow one of the religions. According to census data released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 2012, Vietnamese Australians are, by religion, 30.3% Catholic, 0.4% Anglican, 3.1 other Christian, 55.2% other religions (mainly Buddhist  with Taoism  and Ancestor Worship   as one), and only 11.0% no religion.

[22] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Ibid.

[23] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2012.

[24] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013

[25] Indeed, in June 2002 in the outer Sydney suburb of Liverpool a group of twenty-something Vietnamese Australians created ‘Viet Pop’, a celebration of their experience as ‘Generation 2’. Through music, performance, art and photography they sought to capture the multiplicity of identities, challenges and creative engagements that characterized their lives in this metropolis to which their parents had fled a generation before. In addition, in the 2003 Centenary Awards identified eight Vietnamese Australians for recognition – from SBS radio’s Quang Luu to Fairfield Unity Party councillor Thang Ngo.

[26] Alcorso C., 1991, Non-English Speaking Background Immigrant Women in the Workforce, Centre for Multicultural Studies, University of Wollongong.

[27] Cregan C., 2001, Home sweat home: Preliminary findings of the first stage of a two-part study of outworkers in the textile industry in Melbourne, Melbourne: Department of Management, Melbourne University.

[28] Hage G., 2002,  White nation: fantasies of white supremacy in a multicultural society, 2nd Edition, Sydney: Pluto Press.

[29] The figures were provided by Mukherjee of the Australian Institute of Criminology  in 1999 (Melbourne).

[30] Parliamentary Joint Committee on the National Crime Authority, 1995.

[31] Robert Merton first theorised such situations in his studies in the 1940s of anomie and alienation in ethnic neighbourhoods of Chicago, and reflected on a sociological modelling of dis/organised crime. Merton proposed models of adaptation by immigrant communities facing existing hierarchies of status and privilege that produced dysfunctional outcomes he labelled as ‘alienation’ and ‘anomie’, drawing on but going beyond Durkheim’s theoretical conclusions about the dynamics of suicide. Merton argued for a model that linked personal values and aspirations to social structure and mobility pathways. He suggested that the critical link was between aspiration and opportunity. ‘Anomie’ occurred where individuals had internalised wider societal values and aspirations but found that the legitimate pathways to achieve those goals were blocked – thus leading to the development of alternative pathways and structures. ‘Alienation’ referred to a process when the very values of the wider society were rejected, and alternative values with little chance of their realisation, emerged.

[32] See more in: (i) Featherstone, R. and Deflem, M., 2003, ‘Anomie and Strain: Context and Consequences of Merton’s Two Theories’,  Sociological Inquiry 73(4): 471-489; (ii) Merton, R. K., 1938, ‘Social Structure and Anomie’,  American Sociological Review, No  3(October): 672-682.

[33] Kawakami, I.  2003 ‘Resettlement and Border Crossing: A Comparative Study on the Life and Ethnicity of Vietnamese in Australia and Japan’,  International Journal of Japanese Sociology 12(1): 48-67.

The HDI produced by the UN is a composite measure of three dimensions of human development - health, education and income. Australia ranks very high on this measure, with a 2012 score of 0.94, second only to Norway. Comparatively, Vietnam’s HDI in 2012 was 0.62, ranking the country 127 out of 186 countries. The HDI of East Asia and the Pacific in 2012 was 0.68.

 [35] In term of remittance, Vietnam was the number 2 in South East Asia and the number 9 in the world in 2012.


18.11.2014


 

ZIVKO BUDIMIR'S SPEECH IN BERLIN: EUROPE WITHOUT WALLS
 
Celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall



Ladies and gentlemen,
 
Zivko BudimirI come from a country that is disintegrated - which got to be one of the reasons that it is not and cannot be integrated into the European Union.  That is discouraging not only for me, but it should also be discouraging for Europe, where we belong as a civilization - not merely as its south-eastern part.  I hope that European Union urgently makes sincere and efficient gestures to help me and many people who share my vision of a non-divided and prosperous Bosnia and Herzegovina, achieve our goals.  Under our present circumstances - dictated by the unjust Dayton constitution, by the fraudulent Election process and by other severe travesties of justice - we are badly damaged, divided, discouraged... all things considered, we are forcefully, cynically denied the "European promise" given us as the Berlin Wall crumbled.
 
As the fall of the Berlin Wall wiped out the borders between "East" and "West", most states in "the East" expected freedom, security, prosperity, improved quality of life.  Twenty-five years later, it is reasonable to ask, whether these expectations were met? 
 
Yes, for the most, they were, but not for my country - Bosnia and Herzegovina.  While Germany got peacefully united, Bosnia and Herzegovina got forcefully divided, contrary to the International Law and contrary to the template of modern European civilization.  So now it is not a just, functional, safe, democratic, prosperous state.  Quite the contrary - Bosnia and Herzegovina is not even a state, rather, it is an ad hoc loose union of two states: One given to the victim of the aggression, Federation B&H - one given as a gift to the aggressor, "ethnically cleansed" Serb Republic! 
 
Conversion of capital from the state and corporate property into private hands is steeped in corruption and crime that so far costs us billions of Euros, largest unemployment in Europe, many social ills and then some.  In other words, capitalist economy was implemented unfavorably for us and the promised society of democracy, equality and justice was drowned in blood, division, destruction, corruption.  The ideal of the Western European model of liberal democracy and corporate capitalism has solely benefited the West - at the expense of the former communist states such as ours.  It is hard to escape the impression - formed on the basis of our bitterly gathered knowledge of facts and severe hardships of our citizens - that significant institutions and personalities in Europe participated and continue to participate in those destructive processes aimed against Bosnia and Herzegovina.  Therefore, I would like to ask the question: Is even Europe in a crisis?  Has Europe - after the divisions between East and West - accelerated the division to North and South?  It seems that the high degree of development of the West itself has created a new wall for small nations such as Bosnia and Herzegovina.  Also, have we not, in a wider arena, perhaps, all together entered a new "cold war"?

 
Ladies and gentlemen,
 
Twenty-five years later, confidence in International Law and political processes is at the rock bottom.  In the elections of October this year, I have been defeated while being the only candidate who sincerely promoted the idea of a unified state with one president instead of the present three "ethnic group representatives", with the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina instead of the present Council of Ministers, with the necessary Supreme Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Interior at the level of the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina.  I promoted the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina without entities Serb Republic and Federation B&H - instead organized internally as four multi-ethnic, multi-confessional regions based on criteria such as Geography, Economy, and Transport... all that would make us a normal European country.  I envisioned all that we so desperately need - all that the Dayton constitution has taken away from us.
 
I expected that the national-chauvinist indoctrinated voters are not going to support me - but my disappointment was that there was zero support from the "democratic Europe".  Elections for the European Parliament recently also showed that voters in most countries are increasingly inclined towards populist parties that are not only anti-immigrant, but are also anti-European.
 
Today I stand in front of you asking you two crucial questions: What do you want for the future of Europe and what do you want from us "small nations"?
 
LET US HOPE THAT WE WILL GET SOME HONEST ANSWERS!
 
PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERATION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Živko Budimir
 
In Berlin, November 8, 2014
 
09.11.2014



25 years after 9/11 – How many Germanies should Europe have?

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarević

Ever since the Peace of Westphalia, Europe maintained the inner balance of powers by keeping its core section soft. Peripheral powers like England, France, Denmark, (Sweden and Poland being later replaced by) Prussia, the Ottomans, Habsburgs and Russia have pressed and preserved the center of continental Europe as their own playground. At the same time, they kept extending their possessions overseas or, like Russia and the Ottomans, over the land corridors deeper into Asian and MENA proper. Once Royal Italy and Imperial Germany had appeared, the geographic core ‘hardened’ and for the first time started to politico-militarily press onto peripheries, including the two European mega destructions, known as the two World Wars. Therefore, this new geopolitical reality caused a big security dilemma lasting from the 1814 Vienna congress up to Potsdam conference of 1945, being re-actualized again with the Berlin Wall destruction: How many Germanies and Italies should Europe have to preserve its inner balance and peace?

At the time of Vienna Congress, there were nearly a dozen of Italophone states and over three dozens of Germanophone entities – 34 western German states + 4 free cities ( Kleinstaaterei ), Austria and Prussia. The post-WWII Potsdam conference concludes with only three Germanophone (+ Lichtenstein + Switzerland) and two Italophone states (+ Vatican). Than, 25 years ago, we concluded that one of Germanies was far too much to care to the future. Thus, it disappeared from the map overnight, and joined the NATO and EU – without any accession talks – instantly.


West of Berlin, the usual line of narrative claims that the European 9/11 was an event of the bad socio-economic model being taken over by the superior one – just an epilogue of pure ideological reckoning. Consequently – the narrative goes on – the west (German) taxpayers have taken the burden. East of Berlin, people will remind you clearly that the German reunification was actually a unilateral takeover, an Anschluss, which has been paid by the bloody dissolutions affecting in several waves two of the three demolished multinational Slavic state communities. A process of brutal erosions that still goes on, as we see it in Ukraine today.

Read more on the next page:

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarević
Vienna, 09 NOV 2014
anis@corpsdiplomatique.cd  

Author is professor in international law and global political studies, based in Vienna, Austria. His recent book Geopolitics of Technology – Is There Life after Facebook? is published by the New York’s Addleton Academic Publishers.


07.11.2014



Why is (the Korean peninsula and East) Asia unable to capitalize (on) its successes

Asia needs ASEAN-ization not Pakistanization of its continent

Anis H. Bajrektarevic


Speculations over the alleged bipolar world of tomorrow (the so-called G-2, China vs. the US), should not be an Asian dilemma. It is primarily a concern of the West that, after all, overheated China in the first place with its (outsourced business) investments. Hence, despite a distortive noise about the possible future G-2 world, the central security problem of Asia remains the same: an absence of any pan-continental multilateral setting on the world’s largest continent. The Korean peninsula like no other Asian theater pays a huge prize because of it.

Why is it so?

How to draw the line between the recent and still unsettled EU/EURO crisis and Asia’s success story? Well, it might be easier than it seems: Neither Europe nor Asia has any alternative. The difference is that Europe well knows there is no alternative – and therefore is multilateral. Asia thinks it has an alternative – and therefore is strikingly bilateral, while stubbornly residing enveloped in economic egoisms. No wonder that Europe is/will be able to manage its decline, while Asia is (still) unable to capitalize its successes. Asia – and particularly its economically most (but not yet politico-militarily) advanced region, East Asiy its most advnced : ' teater remains a very hostige of ita – clearly does not accept any more the lead of the post-industrial and post-Christian Europe, but is not ready for the post-West world.

Read more on the next page:


03.11.2014




The AsianSquare Dance - 1st part

By Michael Akerib, Vice-Rector, SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY

Michael AkeribGoldman Sachs first coined the expression BRICs - Brazil, Russia, India and China - to identify the economic giants of the future that will reshape the world economic order. While Russia's economy is linked to the prices of commodities, energy in particular, Brazil has not lived up to expectations. Of the four countries, China and India have shown the most impressive growth in recent years with, respectively, 10% and 8%. Excluding Brazil, the population of the BRIC represents 40% of the world's inhabitants.

With Asia, reckoned to be today the most dynamic continent, accounting for 65% of the world's population, and China and India together accounting for 40%, these two countries can potentially alter the fragile equilibrium of the world's economy. It is forecast that by 2030 the East Asian economies will be the world's largest economic bloc.

Due to diverging political ideologies and concerns, however, this bloc does not, in fact, exist other than in prose. Even worse, all the countries in the area have made significant investments in military equipment over the recent past thus sharply increasing the risk of conflict particularly as fears grow over China's intentions.

The US' dream, during the cold war, of creating an Asian equivalent to NATO was short lived. Today, Asia has five nuclear powers: Pakistan, India, China, North Korea and Russia. On the other hand, the US is constrained by budgetary problems.

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26.10.2014



Jamil Maidan Flores: Why ASEM Is Vital to Indonesian Interest


It’s difficult to overestimate the importance of ASEM, which bridges East Asia and Europe

By Jakarta Globe on 08:40 pm Oct 19, 2014
Category 
Columns
Opinion - Tags: el indio

(Image courtesy of ASEM)

Late last week, the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) held its 10th summit in Milan, Italy. The event involved 51 nations from the two continents plus two regional organizations, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union.

As European Council president Herman Van Rompuy pointed out, these 51 nations account for 60 percent of humankind, 50 percent of global gross domestic product, and 60 percent of global trade. Remove their contributions, and the global economy ceases to be viable.


Once again Indonesia wasn’t represented by its head of state and government at the ASEM summit. This time the world understood and excused Indonesia. After all, the summit coincided with the very eve of the turnover of the presidency from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who had just completed his second term, to his successor, Joko Widodo.

It was different in 2010 when President Yudhoyono failed to attend the ninth ASEM summit in Brussels. Although days after that summit, he visited the Netherlands. Earlier, Yudhoyono did not make it to the US-Asean summit either. As a result, speculation was rife that the Indonesian government, in deference to China, was distancing itself from the US and the West. It was around that time that the US announced its “pivot” or “rebalancing” toward East Asia after years of apparent neglect of the region by the administration of George W. Bush.

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 23.10.2014



The political character of Social Media:
How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks?


by Dimitra Karantzeni

dimikar87@yahoo.gr

Abstract

This study investigates the political potential of social networks as popular platforms of mediated communication. The findings of the survey reveal the level of engagement of Greek internet users with different social media, the particular ways in which they prefer to use them as well as their future expectations as regards the development of these platforms and their deeper penetration into Greek society.

Keywords

Social media, Greece, politics, communication, citizen participation

Mass media, due to their symbolic character as well as their level of penetration into every aspect of social life, play a significant role in the formation of identity. According to Mezek (2011, p. 7), they have a triple role: “an information broker, arena for ideas and a community sustainer”, or in other words, they act as a forum for “public influence, identity and solidarity” (Alexander and Jacobs, 1998, p. 26). Thompson underlines the importance of media, as means of “acculturalisation”, that partly formulate our perceptions of belonging in groups and communities, creating a so-called, “mediated sociality” (Thompson, 1995, p. 35).

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17.10.2014



Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting

Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

If one surveys a magazine of opinion, such as Ovi, among others, it will not take long before one encounters a tirade or a rebuke against religion in general or Christianity and the Catholic Church in particular. The five phenomena which allegedly inspire the attack, coming usually from secularists and positivists are: 1) The suppression of knowledge and obscurantism, 2) the required celibacy of its priests resulting in pedophilia and homosexuality, 3) the Inquisition, 4) Witch hunting and burning, 5) the Crusades. These are phenomena which go back to medieval times which in themselves are usually declared as dark times (confusing the dark ages with medieval times in general) and therefore undesirable in our modern, scientifically advanced, “enlightened” times. Often enough a recommendation is freely and egregiously offered: the Church should simply disband itself after asking for forgiveness for its crimes and hanging its head in shame, and everybody will be much better off afterward. Enlightenment and peace, transparency and liberty and integrity will then arrive on the scene and will reign supreme: a sort of Utopian Garden of Eden. If any quarter is granted to any form of Christianity in this highly Utopian world free of corruption and sin, it will be for a reformed Church, that is to say, the Protestant Churches.

I have already dealt at some length with the first three historical phenomena. At times it has given rise to reactionary spirited counter-positions on the matter, sometimes those positions have degenerated into a diatribe. That is of course undesirable. At the risk of renewing such a diatribe, and in the more positive interests of free speech and truth, I’d like for the moment to tackle here the fifth of the above mentioned phenomena, the one on the Crusades and some of their assumptions and implications.

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15.10.2014



Europe – the letzte Mensch or Übermensch,
the new Byzantium or declining Rome

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

 

A freshly released IMF’s World Economic Outlook brings (yet again, for the sixth year in a row, and for the third time this year only) no comforting picture to anyone within the G-7, especially in the US and EU. Will the passionately US-pushed cross-Atlantic Free Trade Area save the day? Or, would that Pact-push drag the things over the edge and mark an end of the unionistic Europe? Is the extended EU conflict with Russia actually a beginning of the Atlantic-Central Europe’s conflict over Russia, an internalization of mega geopolitical and geo-economic dilemma – who accommodates with whom, in and out of the Union? Finally, does more Ukrainian (and Eastern Europe) calamities pave the road for a new cross-continental grand accommodation, of either austerity-tired France or über-performing Germany with Russia, therefore the end of the EU? For whose sake Eastern Europe has been barred of all important debates such as that of Slavism, identity, secularism and antifascism? Why do we suddenly wonder that all around Germany-led Central Europe, the neo-Nazism gains ground while only Russia insists on antifascism and (pan-)Slavism?

Before answering that, let us examine what is (the meaning and size of) our Europe? Where, how and – very importantly – when is our Europe? For example, is the non-EU Europe the existent but invisible world, sort of the dark side of the moon? Or, is that more? Beyond the ancient Maastricht and Schengen: the Roman Hadrian Wall and Limes Line there was no world at all. There was only (an instrument of) the Silk Road – that antique WTO, isn’t it? Hence, is this unionistic condominium the best of Europe, or Europe itself?

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08.10.2014



Brazil – New Age

Patricia Galves Derolle
 

Brazil is the largest country in size and population in comparison to other Latin American countries, and it is the seventh largest economy in the world by nominal GDP. Since the mid 2000’s, Brazil has become a more attractive global player: it has diversified its economy and its partnerships, and launched the Growth Acceleration Plan (2007) in order to increase investment in infrastructure and provide tax incentives for economic growth. Brazil has also decreased domestic poverty through development plans: according to the World Bank, poverty (people living with USD 2 per day) has fallen from 21% of the population in 2003 to 11% in 2009. An overall view of Brazilian economy shows that the level of foreign direct investment is increasing, the wages are rising, the middle class in growing, and the unemployment rate is low, which offers a wide range of opportunities in different areas. Despite the positive scenario, Brazil is an emerging economy and faces issues and challenges to be surpassed.


Commercial and Economic Partnerships

Brazil has strong commercial and economic ties with both the developed and the developing world. To diversify partnership so that its economy is not entirely dependent on the West is not a recent action plan for Brazil. Since the 1960’s, with the Independent Foreign Policy, Brazil has searched for different markets to export primary goods. In the 90’s, Brazil focused its economy on the developed world, being the United States its primary partner. During Lula da Silva’s government, Brazil started searching for alternatives to boost economic growth and increase exports, although keeping traditional partners.

After the Goldman Sachs report on emerging economies, released in 2001, Brazil started again to diversify its partnership with other countries that were similar to it. In this context, Brazil, Russia, India and China decided to strengthen their relationships and to create a non-structured grouping called BRIC. Only in 2011 South Africa joined the grouping, turning the acronym BRIC into BRICS. Recently, the BRICS created a Developing Bank, which offers its members credit to infrastructure needs. With the traditional western partners, Brazil intensifies commercial and economic relations, mainly bilaterally or through regional groupings. In a simple analysis, Brazil exports primary and imports manufactured goods. In a multilateral level, Brazil disagrees with the West on issues that concern the International Monetary Fund (quotas) and the World Trade Organization (agricultural subsidies).


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Patricia Galves Derolle
Founder of Internacionalista
Săo Paulo, Brazil


25.09.2014



War as Usual” in Palestine.
Can Kosovo’s Independence Serve as Role Model for a Way Out?
 
by Corinna Metz

 

Israel and Hamas are leading their “war as usual” like a cynical biennially routine at the expense of the civilian population of Gaza. However, when taking a look at the map of the Middle East one sees that time is running out for the Palestinian hope for a state since the territory it could be built on increasingly gets absorbed by Israel.

Kosovo Style Independence – A Purported Way Out of the Crisis

So what’s the solution? Palestinians desperately search for a way out of the stalemate in the conflict with Israel and thereby clutch at every straw. Without questioning the purpose and limits of analogy, several Palestinian officials perceived the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008 as universal remedy to conflicts about statehood. This was expressed in the statement “Kosovo is not better than us. We deserve independence even before Kosovo, and we ask for the backing of the United States and the European Union for our independence.” ii made by the high ranking member of the Palestine National Authority and advisor to the Palestinian President, Yasser Abed Rabbo. Despite its popularity, this approach was rejected by most members of the Palestinian leadership including President Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian Chief Negotiator Saeb Erekat, who clearly commented the discussion with the assertion “We are not Kosovo”.iii

Notwithstanding, political commentators and scholars seized the opportunity for a broader debate about the relevance of a comparison of Kosovo and Palestine.


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August 9, 2014 by Corinna Metz



Global Climate Negotiations and Politics

Alisa Fazleeva

Alisa Fazleeva earned an MA in International Relations from the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.

Once climate and ecological problems are put in the agenda of international organizations, they immediately become a tool for wider political controversies.

The first observation is that climate negotiations are becoming one more way for the governments to pursue their interests. The brightest example happened last year, at the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Conference for Climate Change) held in Bonn, Germany, which caused utter dissatisfaction among the delegates. The reason for that was an agenda dispute concerning a proposal by the Russian Federation, Belarus and Ukraine to introduce a new item on legal and procedural issues related to decision-making under the Conference of the Parties (COP) and Conference of the Parties serving as the meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP). (Earth Negotiations Bulletin, 2013)

This is particularly interesting because, given the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by the Russian Federation in 2004 (the protocol at which many developed countries agreed to legally binding reductions in their emissions of greenhouse gases), it seems there was a shift in the Russian attitude towards the negotiation that needed to be addressed. Was the amendment to the Kyoto protocol desirable because the protesting countries intended to influence the environmental negotiations decision-makers? Or did it happen because the Russian economy is alive mainly because of oil extraction and chemical industry and pending the UNFCCC conclusions was beneficial for Russia?

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02.08.2014


On 28th July exactly 100 years ago, Central Europe declared a war to Eastern Europe, an event that marked the official outbreak of World War I. This was a turning point which finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Čpoque, and set the Old Continent and the whole world with it into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before docking us to our post-modern societies. From WWI to www. Too smooth and too good to be true? Let us use this occasion and briefly examine our post-modernity and some fallacies surrounding it.


From WWI to www.PUTIN NEXT DR

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic


In the (Brave New) world of www. where, irrespectively from your current location on the planet, at least 20 intelligence agencies are notifying the incoming call before your phone even rings up, how is it possible to lose jumbo-jet for good? The two huge aviation tragedies affecting same country – Malaysia, are yet another powerful reminders that we are obsessed with a control via confrontation, not at all with the prosperity through human safety. Proof? Look at the WWI-like blame-game over the downing of the plane – a perfect way to derail our most important debate: Which kind of future do we want? Who seats in our cockpit and why do we stubbornly insist on inadequate civilizational navigation?! Consequently, Ukraine today is a far bigger crash site, which is – regrettably enough – well beyond an ill-fated MH 17.

Why in the www. world our media still bears the WWI-like rethorics? The ongoing demonization of President Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin in the so-called mainstream media actually serves as a confrontational nostalgia call on the side of West. Hence, this main-scream seems aiming not to alienate, but to invite the current Russian leadership to finally accept confrontation as a modus operandi after a 25 years of pause.

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Vienna, 28 JUL 2014


A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems

The Continent and Nation of Australia


Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
 

There is little doubt that our geo-political problems are becoming more and more intricate and intractable. We presently have on our hands the middle East crisis, the Ukrainian crisis, the Iraq and Syria crisis, the economic crisis of the West, the border crisis between the US and Mexico (with thousands of unaccompanied children from Central America crossing the border), the territory disputes between Japan and China, North and South Korea, the EU-Africa crisis with refugees arriving almost daily in Lampedusa, Italy attempting to get a foot-hold in Europe, and the list goes on and on. The world is indeed a sorry mess.

It has not dawned yet on our myopic politicians, our so called leaders and statesmen, that, as the Pope has repeatedly declared, the problem is one of inequality and distributive justice; that as long as there are desperate people in desperate circumstances there will be refugees crossing the borders in search of a better life. Usually those crisis lead to wars and socio-political global turmoil benefiting none, not even the affluent countries.

I have a modest solution which some may find laughable, even absurd, but it is practically historically inevitable within our ongoing process of globalization. Before I suggest the solution let us consider some present geo-political realities. There is a polity in place which can be termed a Continental nation in the true sense of that word. It is Australia. It is completely surrounded by the Pacific Ocean which functions as its borders. It is a nation with a common language and a multicultural background, including the aboriginal culture which is now respected if not exactly promoted.

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27 July 2014



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2014 AND INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Igor Dirgantara

 

Abstracts:

Indonesian foreign politics are closely related to the issue of its national pride, position, and role in the international affairs. The fact that a peaceful election in Indonesia should be a major capital and stimulus to improve the active role in regional and global arena, as mandated by opening of the Constitution 1945 paragraph 4 to participate in creating a world order, as well as to resolve issues and security challenges. The question that a distinguish prof. Anis Bajrektarevic has recently asked in his luminary work “Europe of Sarajevo 100 years later”, ‘Was history ever on holiday?’ – is nearly answered, at least this time in Indonesia – the 3
rd  largest democracy in the world.

Keywords :
Indonesia Presidential Elections 2014, Foreign Policy Performance, Security Challenges, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla

By: Igor Dirgantara (Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)

Indonesian Presidential general election has been underway on July 9th. There were 2 pairs of strong candidates for Presidential and Vice-Presidential position: Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa (Prabowo-Hatta) and Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla (Jokowi-JK). There will be numerous challenges for the elected pair, and one of the more important challenge will be regarding Indonesia's future foreign politics policy. This article will try to foresee the type of leadership of each couple and also their foreign politics performance.

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16.07.2014




Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism?

by Peny Sotiropoulou

Introduction

Peny SotiropoulouProf. Anis Bajrektarevic famously claimed that “…the conglomerate of nation-states/EU has silently handed over one of its most important debates – that of European identity – to the wing-parties, recently followed by the several selective and contra-productive foreign policy actions.” Elaborating on these actions he went further as to claim that: “…sort of Islam Europe supported in the Middle East yesterday, is the sort of Islam that Europe hosts today. (…) and “…that Islam in Turkey (or in Kirgizstan and in Indonesia) is broad, liberal and tolerant while the one in Northern Europe is a brutally dismissive and assertive.”
 

******

 

Western Europe is phasing the outcomes of the development of two different trajectories. On one side, the immigrant presence from the former colonies, growing since the 1960’s, has turned Western Europe into a multicultural and, by extension, multi-faith mosaic. On the other, the permanent decline of religious performance has brought up a wider consensus concerning the privatization of religion as well as its status of invisibility in the public sphere. These two trajectories can be perceived as oppositional if one bears in mind the significant numbers of non- white immigrants residing in Western European states and the paramount importance most of them place on religion for identification, organization and political representation. Several prominent academics refer to the emergence of the aforementioned phenomenon as a ‘crisis of secularism’.

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July 5, 2014



Geo–cultural strategy for Eurasia
A Paradigm for the New Silk Road

Emre Kovacs and Murray Hunter

 

In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed that China and Central Asia collaborate to build a Silk Road Economic Belt, which would comprise all countries within the Eurasian region. According to Eurasian expert and China Daily columnist Liang Qiang, such a corridor would be the World’s longest economic belt, with the most potential for development, and a strategic base of energy resources in the 21st century.

Liang Qiang further noted: “The Chinese government can strive for the vision of establishing the Silk Road Economic Belt by making further efforts to build mutual trust and overcome doubts, such as making clear the difference between China’s vision and those of Russia and the US, and stressing development and cooperation without economic integration, and by taking into consideration the different concerns of different countries and actively seeking converging economic interests with regional countries.”

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22.06.2014



EU = SU˛ - An ahistorical enterprise?

(Of Europe’s 9/11 and 11/9, 100 years later)

 

Europe of June 1914 and of June 2014. Hundred years in between, two hot and one cold war. The League of Nations, Cristal Night, Eurosong and Helsinki Decalogue Coco Chanel, VW, Marshall Aid, Tito, Yuri Gagarin, Tolkien’s troll, Berlin wall and Euro-toll Ideologies, purges, repeated genocides, the latest one coinciding with the Maastricht birth of the Union… a televised slaughterhouse and the Olympic city besieged for 1,000 days, just one hour flight from Brussels.

E non so piů pregare
E nell'amore non so piů sperare
E quell'amore non so piů aspettare
[1]

Key words in 1914: Jingoism, booming trade and lack of trust, assassination, imminent collision, grand war. 100 years later; Europe absorbed by the EU project, demographic and economic decline, chauvinism reloaded … Twisting between the world of (Gavrilo) PRINCIP and global village of (instant) MONETISATION (of every-thing and everyone)… Are our past hundred years an indication of what to expect throughout this century?! What is our roadmap?! Is it of any help to reflect on the Sarajevo event of June 28
th, 1914 which has finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Čpoque, and set the Old Continent (and its world) into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before ending with the unique unionistic form of today’s Europe?

Four men leading one man bound
One man whom the four men hound
One man counted bound and led
One man whom the four men dread[2]

The following lines are not a comprehensive account on all of the events. Rather interpretative by its nature, this is a modest reminder of what Europe used and still tends to be, despite all our passions and hopes, visions and targets, institutions and instruments.

* * * * *

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Anis Bajrektarevic, Professor and Chairperson
International Law and Global Political Studies
Vienna (Austria), EUROPE
Cell: +43 (0) 676 739 71 75
email: anis@bajrektarevic.eu
www.bajrektarevic.eu

21.06.2014



Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
  Prema Evropi bez političkih zatvorenika
Gerald Knaus

Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
Kosovo essay – Of Patriarchs and Rebels / Berlin event – Political prisoner dilemmas
Helping families and lawyers / Godot in Macedonia
ESI capacity building – from Lake Ohrid to the Bosporus

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06.06.2014



Sea Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social justice?

Murray Hunter

 

If you travelled to a small pier at the bottom of Ann Street in Williamstown, a bayside suburb of Melbourne, Australia, you would come across a small letterbox with the words "Sea Shepherd" painted over it. Next to the letterbox is an old shed that has seen much better times with an open gate leading to two ships, the Steve Irwin and Bob Barker moored and being outfitted for a future yet unknown maritime mission.

For a highly controversial direct action marine conservation society, best known for the direct action it has been taking against Japanese whaling ships in the Southern Ocean near Antarctica, security is extremely lax on the pier. In fact tours are offered of the MV Bob Barker every week while it is having a major fit-out.

One thing that will strike anybody making the effort to take the tour is how well organized Sea Shepherd really is. Although the crew has attracted many people of different nations serving on one of the four Sea Shepherd ships, the members appear to be very highly motivated, coordinated, and ready to get into harm's way for the causes they believe in.



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06.05.2014



Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down

World Security Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, April 17, 2014
Dear Friends of the World Security Network,
Ukraine is in severe danger of losing its eastern territory. The escalation level is rising to military confrontation with the separatists and Russian special forces and a possible open intervention by the Russian Federation.

The approach of the Europeans and U.S. to this crisis in Ukraine is still mainly reactionary, after a committed start by the German, Polish and French foreign ministers during the Maidan Square occupation.

The U.S., the EU and especially influential Germany, with its strong relations to Moscow, should now pursue a more active double strategy of power and diplomacy, including hard and soft factors of peace keeping. I call this fresh approach World 3.0.


President and Founder
World Security Network Foundation


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April 17, 2014



The Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 – Critical Similarities
Between Inner Lake and Open Sea


While the world’s attention remains focused on Ukraine, Crimea is portrayed as its hotbed. No wonder as this peninsula is an absolutely pivotal portion of the Black Sea theatre for the very survival of the Black Sea fleet to both Russia and Ukraine. In the larger context, it revels the old chapters of history books full of overt and covert struggles between Atlantic–Central Europe and Russophone Europe for influence and strategic depth extension over the playground called Eastern Europe.

However, there are two other vital theatres for these same protagonists, both remaining underreported and less elaborated.

Author brings an interesting account on Caspian and Artic, by contrasting and comparing them. He claims that both water plateaus are of utmost geopolitical as well as of geo-economic (biota, energy, transport) importance, and that Caspian and Arctic will considerably influence passions and imperatives of any future mega geopolitical strategies – far more than Black Sea could have ever had.

Read more on the next page:

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
Vienna, 14 APR 14
anis@corpsdiplomatique.cd
14.04.2014



Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac
-  Member of the Advisory Board of the IFIMES International Institute 

Malaysian Boeing 777 accident

On the basis of the information gathered and published it is possible to establish some important parameters for the reconstruction of the missing Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 accident. Those parameters are:

- the signals coming to the base station showed that the engines were working for about seven hours after the plane formally disappeared;

- although the satellite and radar images of the plane in the air are insufficiently reliable they nevertheless indicate that the plane was physically in the air for about seven hours after the moment it formally went missing;

- the fact that several passengers had their cell phones turned on is a considerable indicator that they were physically present in the plane while it was flying in the air although none of them answered the calls.

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30.03.2014



Geopolitics and the dramatic confrontation over Crimea

 

They are looking WestDear friends,

In recent months large numbers of Ukrainians braved first the cold, and then snipers, protesting and waving the blue star-spangled flag of Europe. This has angered leaders in the Kremlin, leading to the dramatic confrontation over Crimea. It also left many in the EU confused how to respond.

Should the EU, or future Ukrainian governments, withdraw the promise of deeper integration in order to placate a grim and threatening Russia, as some in the EU are arguing behind closed doors? Is Ukraine's still undefined "European perspective" worth the risk of offending Russia?

Or have Ukrainians, by defending their right to ratify an Association Agreement with the EU – and to pursue deeper integration in the future – in fact kept open the single most promising path for their country to transform itself for the benefit of its ordinary citizens?


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21.03.2014



INDONESIA ELECTION 2014

By Igor Dirgantara

Abstract
One of the fastest growing economies (over 6%) and the forthcoming power house in the impressive world’s top 10 club, as well as the largest Muslim (but secular, republican and non-Arab) country is heading towards its presidential elections. Mood, wisdom and passions of the strongly emerging Indonesian middle class will be decisive this time. Or by words of distinguish colleague of mine, professor Anis Bajrektarevic: “The middle class is like a dual-use technology, it can be deployed peacefully, but it also might be destructively weaponized, for at home or abroad.”

Keywords: Indonesia Election, Presidential Candidates, Political Programs, Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi

From November 2013 to January 2014,  Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya (UJ), periodically conducted surveys related to the electability of the political parties and the presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2014 elections. The results show that the electability of the Democratic Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have been decreasing following corruption cases. The survey was conducted in 33 provinces by taking a sample of 1225 people which have the right to vote (aged 17 years and over. or not yet 17 years old but already married). The margin of error is + / - 2.8% and the confidence level is 95%. Population Data were collected through interviews withrespondents using techniques based on the questionnaire.

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28.02.2014



Climate Change and Re-Insurance:  The Human Security Issue
SC – SEA

Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic &  Carla Baumer

 

1  Introduction

Climate change, its existence, causes and effects, has been disputed by researchers, academics and policy makers.
The given degree of international consensus varies greatly between those most affected by changes to climatic conditions in contrast to those who are estimated to only experience a limited effect.

Controversially, it can also be claimed that some regions are set to gain from climate change such as the polar region nations currently disputing resource claims and logistic networks. In analysis of available data, research suggests the increased intensity of storms, hurricanes, cyclones, flooding, droughts, bushfires, mudslides and hailstorms along with increased temperatures, rising sea levels, and changing to pressure systems.

With climate change as a global phenomenon, not isolated to a certain region, the interest of stakeholders remains strongest in those with the ‘smallest’ voice such as the coastal areas, islands, commonly catastrophe prone and ‘future’ catastrophe prone regions in South East Asia.


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30.01.2014


Call for Action in Syria
World Security Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, January 23, 2014

Dear Friends of the World Security Network,

as the Syrian peace conference is currently held in Montreux, Switzerland, the independent World Security Network Foundation would like to share with you its proposals for the future of Syria, that we have come up with two years ago and still find them valid today.

 1. A new Syrian Constitution should be discussed and adopted by the Syrian National Council as soon as possible. We should not wait for the fall of the Assad regime in the hope that a democratic constitution can be agreed in the extreme chaos that will inevitably follow.

This mistake was made in Iraq as well as in Libya and Egypt where the West did not connect its support with a crystal-clear democratic constitution first and naively believed democrats would later win in the power struggle with radicals.

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23.01.2014



PUBLICATIONS:


   Vietnamese Australians’ Community: Realities and Prospect - By Prof. Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan

   Celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall

   25 years after 9/11 – How many Germanies should Europe have? - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarević

   Why is (the Korean peninsula and East) Asia unable to capitalize (on) its successes - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

   The AsianSquare Dance - 1st part - By Michael Akerib, Vice-Rector, SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY

   Jamil Maidan Flores: Why ASEM Is Vital to Indonesian Interest

   The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks? - by Dimitra Karantzeni

   Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

   Europe – the letzte Mensch or Übermensch, the new Byzantium or declining Rome - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

   Brazil – New Age - Patricia Galves Derolle

   “War as Usual” in Palestine. Can Kosovo’s Independence Serve as Role Model for a Way Out? - by Corinna Metz

   Global Climate Negotiations and Politics - Alisa Fazleeva

   A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

   From WWI to www.PUTIN NEXT DR - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

   Palestine has right to resist occupier: Expert

   Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism? - by Peny Sotiropoulou

   EU = SU˛ - An ahistorical enterprise?

   Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
 
   Sea Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social justice? - Murray Hunter

    Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down

    The Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 – Critical Similarities - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Malaysian Boeing 777 accident - Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac

   
Geopolitics and the dramatic confrontation over Crimea

    INDONESIA ELECTION 2014 - By Igor Dirgantara

    Climate_Change_and_Re_Insurance:_The_Human_Security_Issue_SC-SEA_Prof.Anis_Bajrektarevic_&_Carla_Baumer

    Call_for_Action_in_Syria_-_World_Security_Network_reporting_from_Berlin_in_Germany,_January_23,_2014

    HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]

   
The emergence of the Bhikkhuni Sangha (monkhood for women) in Thailand -
Murray Hunter

   
North Korean Leadership Upheaval: Voices from the South

    20 Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty - Eva MAURINA

   
Is Singapore Western Intelligence's 6th Eye in Asia?- Murray Hunter


   In Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak

   Malaysia: Why the Pakatan Rakyat does not deserve to be the Federal Government - Murray Hunter

  
The Germans to the Front? - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

   
The Australian security state is collecting intelligence on an Orwellian scale never seen before
- Murray Hunter

   
Has an 'out of control' intelligence community compromised 'Australia in the Asian Century'?-Murray Hunter

   
The European Court of Justice of Human Rights and Bosnia

   
The Australian Government's new stance on human rights?
- Murray Hunter

    NATO rejects Bosnia and Herzegovina due to Russia's influence - Bakhtyar Aljaf

    The immorality of Australia's prostitution laws
- Murray Hunter

   
Australian Election: Abbott as PM may surprise everyone
- Murray Hunter

    Malaysia: Desperately needing a new national narrative - Murray Hunter

    One Man's view of the world and a thousand faceless men: Singapore's cadre system - Murray Hunter


    How important is the Australian Election? - Murray Hunter

    El Indio: Seeking Symmetry - By Jamil Maidan Flores

 
 
Australian Immigration - the Snowden link? - Murray Hunter

    Sarawak Reenacts Independence from Britain 50 years Ago -Murray Hunter

    The return of Kevin Rudd as Australian PM: For how long? - Murray Hunter

    Reinvigorating Rural Malaysia - New Paradigms Needed - Murray Hunter

    Can there be a National Unity Government in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

    Will Australian Labor Remain Principled and fall on its own Sword? - Murray Hunter

    Finding a long term solution in the 'Deep South' of Thailand - Murray Hunter

    Islamic Freedom in ASEAN - Murray Hunter
  
    Multiculturalism is dead in Europe – MENA oil and the (hidden) political price Europe pays for it - Author: Anis Bajrektarevic

    Malaysia: It was Never About the Election It was always about what would happen afterwards - Murray Hunter

    Enriching the Sustainability Paradigm - Murray Hunter
 
    Does Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper Signal a Strategic Withdraw? - Murray Hunter

    Where is Saudi Arabian Society Heading? - Abdullah Abdul Elah Ali Sallam & Murray Hunter University Malaysia Perlis

    Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Searching for an end game in the Korean Crisis - Murray Hunter

    Turks suspicious towards German Government - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

    The high Australian Dollar: Whose interests is the Reserve Bank of Australia looking after? - Murray Hunter

    Is Secretary Kerry's trip to China a "face saving" measure? - Murray Hunter

    Asia-Pacific at the Crossroads - The Implications for Australian Strategic Defense Policy - Murray Hunter

    Obama's Korean Peninsula "Game" Strategy seeks to achieve a wide range of objectives in his "Asian Pivot" - Murray Hunter

    Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN

    Who rules Singapore? - The only true mercantile state in the world - Murray Hunter

    The Thai Deep South: Both Malaysia and Thailand Desperately Seeking Success - Murray Hunter

    The desperate plight of Islamic education in Southern Thailand - Murray Hunte

    Who makes public policy in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

    MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

    Australia's National Security Paper: Did it amount to lost opportunities? The policy you have when you don't have a policy - Murray Hunter

    Are "B" Schools in Developing Countries infatuated with 'Western' Management ideas? - Murray Hunter

    The Stages of Economic Development from an Opportunity Perspective: Rostow Extended - Murray Hunter

   
Who Really Rules Australia?: A tragic tale of the Australian People - Murray Hunter

    Europe: Something Old, Something New, Something Borrowed, and Something Blue - Murray Hunter

    Back to the future: Australia's "Pacific Solution" reprise - Murray Hunter

    Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter


   
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter

   
FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan

   
Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter

    Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter

    Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter

    What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević

   
ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter

    From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter

    Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter

    Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter

    Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter

    The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis

    Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter

    The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter

    How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter

    On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter

    Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter

    Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter

   
Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization. - Murray Hunter

    What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter

    Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

    One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunter

     People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter

     How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter

     How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter

     Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter

     The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter

     Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter

     How motivation really works - Murray Hunter

     The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter

     Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter

     Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter

     Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter

    
The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter

     Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter

     Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter

  
  Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities - Murray Hunter

     The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies - Murray Hunter

    
There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially - Murray Hunter

     Go Home, Occupy Movement!!-(The McFB– Was Ist Das?) - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

     Diplomatie préventive - Aucun sičcle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

    
Democide Mass-Murder and the New World Order - Paul Adams


 






Koninkrijk Belgie - Monarchie Belgique










Maasmechelen Village

Maasmechelen Village




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BALKAN AREA
BALKAN AREA




prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic


 
MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Go Home, Occupy Movement!! - (The McFB – Was Ist Das?) -
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Diplomatie préventive - Aucun sičcle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic\/span|



ADDENDUM – GREEN/POLICY PAPER: TOWARDS THE CREATION OF THE OSCE TASK FORCE ON (THE FUTURE OF) HUMAN CAPITAL
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Gunboat Diplomacy in the South China Sea – Chinese strategic mistake -
Anis H. Bajrektarevic




Geopolitics of Quantum Buddhism: Our Pre-Hydrocarbon Tao Future
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




The Mexico-held G–20 voices its concerns over the situation in the EURO zone - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević







Maasmechelen Village


‘The exhaustion of Greek political system and a society in flames’ - by Dimitra Karantzen










Maasmechelen Village


FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan



Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN



Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic







MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Le MENA Saga et Lady Gaga - (Męme dilemme de la région MOAN) - Anis Bajrektarevic




Eva MAURINA
20 Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty - Eva MAURINA




Aleš Debeljak
In Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak

ALEŠ DEBELJAK - ABECEDA DJETINJSTVA

ALEŠ DEBEJAK - INTERVJU; PROSVJEDI, POEZIJA, DRŽAVA


Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]
HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]



Carla BAUMER
Climate Change and Re Insurance: The Human Security Issue SC-SEA Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic & Carla Baumer



 
Igor Dirgantara
(Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)




Peny Sotiropoulou

Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism?




Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella

A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems

Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella




Alisa Fazleeva earned an MA in International Relations from the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.



 
Corinna Metz is an independent researcher specialized in International Politics and Peace & Conflict Studies with a regional focus on the Balkans and the Middle East.




Patricia Galves Derolle
Founder of Internacionalista
Săo Paulo, Brazil
Brazil – New Age




Dimitra Karantzeni
The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks?

 


Michael Akerib
Vice-Rector
SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY